Between 1960 and 1974, the Scottish National Party underwent a remarkable organisational expansion. Not only did the number of members, branches and constituency associations greatly increase, but by the end of 1974 the Party also succeeded in getting eleven parliamentary candidates elected to the House of Commons. This thesis is concerned with the two major organisational elements of this growth. The actual mechanics of change, this is, the structural, administrative and personnel dimensions. Secondly, we examine the nature of the intra-party power relationships as they evolved in the years under study. In essence, we argue that far from having a devolved power base, where decision on organisational matters such as publicity; Party finance; election strategy; and candidate selection etc., were taken only after consultation with the membership, the SNP had a highly centralised management structure. This view is contrary to most of the prevailing thinking on the subject. We summarise all of the major writings on the SNP's organisation in Chapter Two. We seek to show what factors in the growth of the SNP during this period, propelled it towards the centralisation of organisation decisionmaking. We utilise Party records to demonstrate that growth brought in its wake certain strains which could only be contained, and deflected, within a hierarchical management structure. With this in mind, during the course of the thesis we draw upon studies in organisational management which have been undertaken in other fields. These, we contest, confirm our hypothesis regarding the inevitability of the need for centralisation in a rapidly expanding organisation. In the specific context of political party management, we test the relevance of Robert Michels' view of the tendency towards 'oligarchy' even in parties with an ideological commitment to organisational democracy. We affirm the value and worth of Michels' views in so far as these can be applied to the SNP between 1960 and 1974. Our study is largely empirical. Consequently, we examine and analyse such critical organisational areas as the SNP's internal communications; finances; management committee structure; and election organisation. We also look at certain administrative aspects of the Labour and Conservative parties, to see how these compared in terms of centralisation etc., with the SNP. In other words, was the SNP, in the period under study, more decentra1ised, than the two major British parties? Most researcl1ers have answered that question in the affirmative. We conclude by summarising the factors which, we believe, led to the centralisation of organisational power within the SNP between 1960 and 1974. Explain what elements complicated intra-party power relations after 1974. And, finally, outline what has happened to the leadership's control of the Party in recent years. We relate this to our hypothesis regarding the SNP's growth and consequent leadership domination.

This thesis provides an analysis of the new Scottish politics of information. It examines the implications of information communication technologies (ICTs) for the reformation of Scottish politics within the new historical Scottish moment of devolution. This is related to the advent of ICTs and the possibilities they afford for a further extension of democracy in contemporary Scotland. This in turn is set amidst the concept of informatisation. This term denotes the ability of ICTs to produce new information networks, and the thesis explores the likely outcomes of such conditions within their Scottish context. We begin with an exploration of the tensions existing within a specific frame of reference (Scottish post-war politics), and end with an account of the new context and circumstances of the informatised political system. As such, the thesis details the post-war technocratic era, and traces the movement into democratic deficit and outwards into the new Scottish historical moment: the devolution arrangements of 1999, and onwards. The associating theme throughout is the search for a new politics of settlement. The future of this settlement is however, finely balanced and lies somewhere between a set of contradictory and oppositional political forces. The connecting principle is provided by the informatisation process, and electronic governance. These political technologies are a pivotal feature of the new Scottish politics of information, and the thesis illustrates their centrality within contemporary governance. The positioning of distributed technologies, and distributed informatisation, is a central component of the thesis. In turn, it is contrasted with the development of a centralised form of political computing: given expression throughout the thesis as the new Information Union. Put simply, the thesis explores the implications of information and communication technologies (ICTs) for the reformation of Scottish politics within the new historical Scottish moment. It does so in the context of an opposition between two prevailing theories of the impact of information communication technologies on political life - the theories can be labelled Transformational Politics (Schwerin 1995) and Reinforcement Politics (Danziger et al 1982). The thrust of Transformational Politics is that there are new forms of interactivity which enable new forms of governance characterised by more widely distributed discourse, and new institutional forms such as social-political partnerships between government and community. The thrust of Reinforcement Politics is that the new technical forms of communication are used to further concentrate and control power by existing elites. Both these potentials are visible in the new Scottish Politics and this thesis charts the struggle between these tensions.

The investigation explores the potential effects of the new constitutional arrangements and electoral system on the campaign discourse of Scottish political parties. The four weeks of election campaigning are studied, from the 1st April to the 1st May 2003. Analysis focuses on many of the main texts produced during the election campaign, including manifestos, party election broadcasts and newspaper articles. Conducted in the Critical Discourse Analysis tradition, this investigation combines insights from Fairclough’s social focus and three dimensional analysis of discourse and van Dijk and Chilton’s cognitive approaches. This synthesis of approaches is an attempt to produce an analysis that can explicate both social and cognitive aspects of ideological discourse production. The thesis explores the dynamics of party political competition and ideological negotiation in devolved Scottish politics, with particular attention paid to the discourse of coalition and nationalist politics. The thesis begins by outlining background information on the events leading up to Scottish devolution. Discussion then focuses on the ideological character of Scottish politics, both in terms of public opinion and the positions of political parties, as represented by the content of their manifestos. Continuing the analysis of party manifestos, chapter 3 explores discursive strategies used by political parties to construct identities and negotiate relationships in light of actual or potential coalition government. The following chapter moves the analysis onto party election broadcasts, taking particular interest in the rhetorical methods employed in the positive and negative presentation of policies. Chapter 5 analyses the press reception of party election broadcasts. Having established the importance of a nationalist agenda in Scottish politics during previous sections, Chapter 6 investigates representations of Scottish national identity in election discourse.

This thesis addresses the reasons why Scottish Conservative support contracted under Thatcher, challenges the assumption that Thatcher was ‘anti-Scottish’ and places her in the wider context of Scottish Conservative and Unionist history, whilst illuminating Scottish Conservative personalities. This thesis has taken an overview of Thatcher’s tenure as Prime Minister, and illuminates key areas of Scottish society in the 1980s that have hitherto been under-researched. No historian or social scientist has attempted the broad perspective before. The research has been split into six chapters, and each chapter follows a chronological pattern. Chapter One provides a historical overview of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party since 1886, which is interlinked with the development of the post-war consensus. The chapter concludes by analysing Scottish Conservative Party personalities and in-fighting, both of which are under-rated features of Thatcher’s premiership. Chapter Two examines Thatcher’s economic restructuring and the growing prominence of the European Economic Community (EEC). Chapter Three analyses Thatcher’s industrial relations reforms, and the 1984/85 miners’ strike. Chapter Four scrutinises the Conservatives’ overhaul of the welfare state. Chapter Five focuses on Thatcher’s reform of local government, including the introduction of the community charge. Chapter Six charts the development of the ‘Scottish question’.

This study aims to show that when the religious dimension of the women's suffrage movement is considered, it can be seen that while the Scottish Presbyterian Churches at an official level remained neutral in their attitudes, the ministers and members of the Churches gave significant and varied support to the campaign, and their efforts contributed to the success of the suffrage movement. Although the term 'the religious dimension' includes both positive and negative response to the movement in the Churches, this thesis concentrates on the positive efforts which were made. Chronologically, it covers the period from the official founding of the national suffrage organisations in 1867 to the enfranchisement of women in 1918. In surveying the history of the movement, account will be taken of both male and female contributions to the cause. This thesis consists of seven chapters. Chapter I surveys previous studies and outlines the scope of this piece of research. Chapter II contexualises the role and status of women within the Church and within society during the period which the thesis covers. In particular, it examines the relationship between women's religious suffrage and the women's political franchise movement, and explores factors contributing to the Churches' concern for women's suffrage.

The Conservative government applied restrictive immigration policies on people from the Indian sub-continent (Pakistan, India and Bangladesh) on a large scale during the 1980s for reasons which have been depicted as economic, political, and nationalistic. The Conservative party under Thatcher made immigration control one of its main themes in the 1979 Conservative Manifesto. This thesis looks at the repercussions of Thatcher's immigration policy for people from the Indian sub-continent living in Glasgow. Drawing on a wealth of primary sources, the thesis will argue that Thatcher's immigration policy amounted to discrimination as Indian sub-continent nationals, especially males, suffered unfairly when the policy was implemented. Evidence of this unfairness was implicit in: the various rules and laws which contained elements of discrimination; and evidence from the organisation network in Glasgow which revealed that they had to deal with extra work and with more contentious cases during the 1980s. The impact on individuals was most strongly exemplified by a survey and by individual case studies which revealed problems such as provocative questioning, application of stringent criteria to satisfy the authorities, and the break-up and separation of families who were prevented from being reunited, in some cases even temporarily, by the actions of the authorities. The fact is that no account was taken of the clinical characteristics of the Indian sub-continent which clashed in particular with the primary purpose rule which the authorities applied rigorously. While it is acknowledged that other groups of blacks and coloured immigrants also suffered from the Conservative immigration regime, it will be noted that the impact was most severe on immigrants from the Indian sub-continent. The tough policy on immigration only served to encourage more clandestine means of entry into the United Kingdom, and this gave the government a further pretext to impose more controls on immigration from the Indian sub continent. It has to be emphasised that the extent of the restrictive immigration control regime will be measured not simply in terms of numbers allowed entry but also the procedures used such as the type of questions asked, interviewing techniques and manners, and various provisions made in legislative acts which served against potential immigrants from the Indian sub-continent.

This thesis examines the dynamics in the process of cultural policy concerning the museum and gallery sector in Taiwan and Scotland of the United Kingdom. By applying a cross-national comparative methodology, it explores the factors influencing policy development for museums in relation to individual national contexts. The historical outline of the development of museums in relation to the political, economic, social and cultural settings of Taiwan and Scotland respectively informs the various ways in which museums have been perceived and reflects historical outcomes in contemporary policy issues. The study of the structural context of each political system brings to light institutional issues underlying the policy process. Focusing on the governance of publicly funded museums, the thesis investigates the positions of museums within public sector structures, the relationship between museums and relevant bodies at national and local level, and the role of a governing body or representative agency. Also, it looks into approaches to museum governance and resource allocation in relation to the governance models. In order to specify causes and consequences of a museum’s internal operations in response to external forces in the policy process, the thesis investigates six case studies: three cases of Taiwan are the National Palace Museum, the National Taiwan Museum and the Taipei Story House, and three cases of Scotland are the National Galleries of Scotland, Glasgow Museums and the Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery. Different features, diverse operational approaches and challenges facing individual museums with regard to their roots, funding sources and contents are indicated, whereby their relevant contexts are also examined. The research explores the diversity of the museum sector and demonstrates the links between museums’ operation, functions and engagement in policy. To conclude the study, it specifically discusses a number of main points arising from the previous contextual and empirical examination and identifies national differences and limited similarities between Taiwan and Scotland, which ultimately contributes to the knowledge of the complex relations between governments, museums and changing environments in the policy process.

The research is an in-depth, empirical study of the political behaviour of the Church of Scotland; it is primarily intended as a contribution to the territorial field of Scottish politics. The most important aim of the thesis is to assess the overall effectiveness of the Church of Scotland when it takes part in political activities. More generally, the research has three key themes: first, it examines the place of religion in politics by analysing churches as political pressure groups rather than simply looking at voting behaviour; second, it looks at the development of the new Scottish political system, post-devolution; third, it explicitly compares the political behaviour of the Church of Scotland with the Scottish Catholic Church. Chapter two focuses on the political behaviour of the Church and Nation Committee of the Church of Scotland and concludes that its effectiveness is limited, primarily due to a shift in societal values. Chapter three focuses on the political behaviour of the Board of Social Responsibility of the Church of Scotland and concludes that is possesses more potential for influence than the Committee, due to the nature of the issues it is concerned with. Chapter four compares and contrasts the political behaviour of the Church of Scotland with the Scottish Catholic Church, and concludes that the latter is often more effective than the former when they act as political pressure groups. Chapter five analyses the results of the elite survey questionnaires and interviews; one of its main conclusions is that while most Scottish politicians believe the Church of Scotland to be influential, they do not perceive themselves to be personally influenced. The thesis argues that the political influence of the Church of Scotland is varied, depending on which area of policy is being addressed, and the place of religion generally in Scottish politics is becoming increasingly peripheral.

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This thesis examines the state-supported system for elite-level sport in Scotland and considers whether or not that system is effective in terms of delivery to athletes and coaches and assesses the extent to which it was fair and equitable in terms of outcomes. The study is set within a feminist cultural studies framework that is enriched by qualitative study and based on the distinctively Scottish cultural and historical experience of the nature of sport. The thesis comprises of two major studies and the findings are based on original material collected from three main research methodologies: documentary evidence, quantitative and qualitative analyses. Study one sets the historical and policy context in which the main focus of the research can be understood. An historical account of state involvement in the elite sport sector is followed by a critical evaluation of elite sport policy agenda during the first session of the Scottish Parliament (1999-2003). The aim of this study was to identify and review the institutional and financial frameworks set up to guide the decision-making process for the delivery of the Scottish elite sport agenda. Study two was designed to gather demographic and socio-economic information on Scotland’s elite athletes and to measure the level of athlete satisfaction with the administration, effectiveness and equity of the Lottery-funded Talented Athlete Programme (TAP). The first, predominately quantitative, phase of the study, was conducted by means of a postal questionnaire. Significant issues raised during this phase were followed-up and explored in more depth in the second, qualitative phase. Information from athletes was enhanced by the data gathered from interviews with officials, coaches and administrators who are vital to the implementation and success of the elite sport programmes currently in place in Scotland and at the UK level. Where appropriate, interview data is put into some context by with data collected by the researcher from various sources, including TAP press releases, annual reports and official documents. The key findings of this research suggest that there are too many gaps in the present system of support for talented and elite athletes to be able to claim that Scotland is “a country where sporting talent is recognised and nurtured” (Scottish Sports Council, 1998b, pp.7). Clearly, there is much still to be done it this vision is to be realised for all Scotland’s talented athletes, irrespective of their gender, cultural or socio-economic background. Only then, can Scottish sport genuinely claim that “nothing is left to chance” and Scotland can be considered “a country achieving and sustaining world class performances in sport” (Scottish Sports Council, 1998b, pp.7).