Kaumaatua of the Te Koeti Turanga hapuu (sub-tribe) of South Westland have expressed concern that the mana of their Kaati Mamoe ancestors has been trampled on and their identity subsumed through union with the Kai Tahu tribal confederation. The history of the Kaati Mamoe iwi in the South island has been marginalised by the subsequent arrival of a number of hapuu of the Ngaati Kahungunu in the seventeenth century. The conflict which ensured following this gradual migration has traditionally been interpreted as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity in the island. Complexity has been added to this situation as a result of European colonisation in the nineteenth century. The purchase by Pakeha of vast tracts of land in the South Island, and the failure to exempt the reserves promised, put pressure on the takata whenua�s land base and resources. The Crown�s refusal to acknowledge and redress the grievances of South Island Maori over the last hundred years has obliged the Kaati Mamoe to unite with the Kai Tahu. This process has served to further marginalise their identity, in this case in the southern rohe of the West Coast. The method that I have used in this work draws upon a number of disciplines. Oral history and written records of the Te Koeti hapuu form the central sources and to this extent this work may be described as being written from a Kaati Mamoe perspective. I have undertaken a review of the material recorded by European collectors of South Island Maori tradition in order to understand the way in which their reports have shaped the European view of South Westland Maori. And finally a review of the archaeological record has been included in order to provide information about the everyday material life of the ancestors of the South Westland hapuu. A number of conclusions have been reached in this thesis. Firstly that the peace arrangement at Popoutunoa which has been viewed by Kai Tahu as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity is not necessarily the view of many Kaati Mamoe descendants. The historical record shows that a number of individuals continued to fight the Kai Tahu due to tribal differences while others continued to live alongside Kai Tahu in peace. As throughout much of Aotearoa, the importance of the hapuu as a source for an individual�s identity in Maori society prior to European colonisation has been over-shadowed. In the case of the South Westland people union with Kai Tahu, which was vital in the face of the loss of land, has been interpreted as the loss of their affiliation and identity with Kaati Mamoe.

Summary: European colonial expansion during the past five centuries has had serious repercussions for many indigenous populations. Responses to intrusive European culture have varied. Aboriginal Tasmanian culture was extinguised (Plomley 1966). The Cheyenne (Höebel 1964) and the Mapuche Indians (Faron 1968) have struggled to retain their identity and their compromises with European culture have been grudging. Many indigenous societies have been ravaged by disease and warfare and others have been transformed into a culture with both European and indigenous elements. Then there are the Swazi (Kuper 1964), who are continuing, at the present time to adjust to colonialist regimes. The New Zealand Maori have adopted elements of European culture without losing a distinctive cultural identity (Metge 1968). Details of events following initial contact between indigenous societies and Europeans are obscure, usually because of poor documentation. Yet it is precisely this initial period of culture contact that is often of particular interest to anthropologists. Until recently, accounts of culture contact have been left to historians, political scientists, ethnographers and social anthropologists. Archaeologists have tended to overlook this area of research, probably on the assumption that it is already well documented. However, the study of recent culture-contact situations is clearly the provenance of archaeology as well as other disciplines (Sturtevant 1966 : 41). Indeed, one of the major attractions of post-contact archaeology is the very fact that there are usually some relevant data from non-archaeological disciplines (op.cit.: 42-3). There are several self-evident areas of potential research in post-contact archaeology. Historical documentation may be used to locate archaeological sites (Pilling 1968; Trigger 1969); ethnic groups may be traced back into the late prehistoric period from the ethnographic present by using the "direct historical approach" (see Sturtevant 1966: 9; Hall 1969; Stewart 1942; Stewart 1969; Wright 1968); the effects of culture contact (Oswalt and van Stone 1967) or the expansion of the colonial settlements (Allen 1967; Nöel Hume 1963) may be the principal foci; and there is also the possibility of projecting cultural adaptations back into the late prehistoric part (Fitting and Cleland 1969) in order to discover the corresponding cultural patterns. The present study will consider culture change induced by contact with an intrusive culture. The indigenous culture is New Zealand Maori, the intrusive culture, European.

Kaumaatua of the Te Koeti Turanga hapuu (sub-tribe) of South Westland have expressed concern that the mana of their Kaati Mamoe ancestors has been trampled on and their identity subsumed through union with the Kai Tahu tribal confederation. The history of the Kaati Mamoe iwi in the South island has been marginalised by the subsequent arrival of a number of hapuu of the Ngaati Kahungunu in the seventeenth century. The conflict which ensured following this gradual migration has traditionally been interpreted as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity in the island. Complexity has been added to this situation as a result of European colonisation in the nineteenth century. The purchase by Pakeha of vast tracts of land in the South Island, and the failure to exempt the reserves promised, put pressure on the takata whenua�s land base and resources. The Crown�s refusal to acknowledge and redress the grievances of South Island Maori over the last hundred years has obliged the Kaati Mamoe to unite with the Kai Tahu. This process has served to further marginalise their identity, in this case in the southern rohe of the West Coast. The method that I have used in this work draws upon a number of disciplines. Oral history and written records of the Te Koeti hapuu form the central sources and to this extent this work may be described as being written from a Kaati Mamoe perspective. I have undertaken a review of the material recorded by European collectors of South Island Maori tradition in order to understand the way in which their reports have shaped the European view of South Westland Maori. And finally a review of the archaeological record has been included in order to provide information about the everyday material life of the ancestors of the South Westland hapuu. A number of conclusions have been reached in this thesis. Firstly that the peace arrangement at Popoutunoa which has been viewed by Kai Tahu as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity is not necessarily the view of many Kaati Mamoe descendants. The historical record shows that a number of individuals continued to fight the Kai Tahu due to tribal differences while others continued to live alongside Kai Tahu in peace. As throughout much of Aotearoa, the importance of the hapuu as a source for an individual�s identity in Maori society prior to European colonisation has been over-shadowed. In the case of the South Westland people union with Kai Tahu, which was vital in the face of the loss of land, has been interpreted as the loss of their affiliation and identity with Kaati Mamoe.