In the northern South Island, the area northern Te Wai Pounamu (NTWP) is defined appropriate to a regional investigation of pre-European culture change. It is argued that the Maori sequence of this region is relevant to a range of interpretative problems in New Zealand�s archaeological past. Preparatory to this investigation, the international and New Zealand literature on culture change is reviewed. Two primary investigative foci of change are identified in NTWP; subsistence economy and stone tool manufacturing technology. A chronological scheme of Early, Middle and Late Periods based on firmly dated ecological events and/or independent radiocarbon ages is defined so as to order the archaeological data without recourse to unproven scenarios of cultural change and association. The Early Period subsistence economy is assessed in some detail. An Early Period settlement focus is documented along the eastern Tasman Bay coast in proximity to meta-argillite sources. Early Period midden remains suggest that several genera of seal and moa were exploited, and that people were fishing in eastern Tasman Bay during the warmer months of the year. From the Early Period fishhook assemblages of Tasman Bay, manufacturing change is inferred related to the increasing scarcity of moa bone over time. It is argued that lower Early Period settlement of the larger northern South Island was focused on the north-eastern coast to Rangitoto (D�Urville Island), while NTWP was characterized by smaller stone working communities operating in summer. In contrast, moa-free middens in Awaroa Inlet and Bark Bay of the western Tasman Bay granite coast present a physical dominance of Paphies australis, and finfish species suggesting, along with the dearth of Austrovenus stutchburyi, occupation outside of the warmer summer months. These middens also present an absence of seal and a paucity of bird bone, while sharing a robust 15th-16th centuries AD radiocarbon chronology. With the dearth of all bird species from granite coast middens in general, and evidence that the less preferred kokako (Callaeas c. cinerea) was caught during the occupation of Awaroa Inlet N26/214, it is suggested that cultural regulations beyond immediate subsistence needs were also operating at this time. From southern Tasman Bay, the archaeological investigation of the important Appleby site N27/118 suggests that the people associated with the extensive horticultural soils of Waimea West otherwise consumed finfish and estuarine shellfish in (non-summer) season, kiore (Rattus exulans), dog or kuri (Canis familiaris), and several small evidence of Maori tradition, archaeological charcoal, and the approximately 16th century radiocarbon chronology for N27/118 and the associated Appleby gravel borrow pit N27/122 places the advent of extensive Waimea horticulture within the post-moa, lower Middle Period Maori economy. The Haulashore Island archaeological assemblage of south-eastern Tasman Bay with a similar material culture to Appleby is also bereft of seal and any diagnostic moa bone. This Middle Period evidence is considered in a larger comparative perspective, where the absence of seal from 15th-16th centuries Tasman Bay middens is interpreted as a factor of human predation. A secure radiocarbon chronology suggests the convergence of this loss with the diminishment and loss of selected avifauna, and the subsequent advent of large horticultural complexes in the northern South Island compensated for the loss of faunal calories in a seasonally economy and a managed ecology. The evidence of stone tool use is also reviewed in some detail for NTWP, following the definition of an adze typology appropriate to the classification of meta-argillite tools. It is clear that meta-argillite is the dominant material of adze and (non-adze) flake tool manufacture throughout the Maori sequence of NTWP, while granite coast quartz remains generally subdominant. Beyound the apparent loss of the laterally-hafted adze, the evidence of adze change is generally subdominant. Beyond the apparent loss of the laterally-hafted adze, the evidence of adze change is generally reflected in shifting typological proportions, and in new manufacturing technologies and dressing techniques. Functional change may be inferred in the loss over time of large meta-argillite points and blade tools associated respectively with the manufacture of one-piece moa bone fishhooks and moa and seal butchery. The exclusive identification of hammer-dressed adzes with hump backs and steep bevels in Middle Period assemblages is related to the advent of horticultural intensification. More generally, adzes of the upper Early and Middle Periods are increasingly characterized by round sections, while hammer-dressing is employed more frequently and extensively reduced from riverine meta-argillite and recycled banks. Collectively, these changes reflect a developing emphasis on economy and opportunistic exploitation. From this interpretation, and evidence that meta-argillite adze length and the size of high quality Ohana source flakes diminish over time, it is suggested that accessible, high quality and appropriately shaped meta-argillite rock became increasingly scarce through intensive quarry manufacture. In conclusion, the coincidence of diminishing rock and faunal resources over time is related in a speculative anthropological model of culture change. It is proposed that the 14th-16th centuries Maori economy of NTWP, and by implication and inference, many other regions of New Zealand, was characterized by a resource crisis which either precipitated or reinforced a broader trajectory of culture change. It is suggested that influential leadears perceived a linkage in the loss of high quality rock and important subsistence fauna at this time, and that distinctive technologies, institutions and ideologies of Middle Period Maori society were influenced by, and/or developed from, this perception. Finally, it is recommended that the data of an archaeological Maori culture sequence be ordered and tested within a radiocarbon based chronological scheme, rather than the still generally used model of �Archaic� and �Classic� cultural periods. It is also suggested that New Zealand archaeologists should look beyond the functional-ecological imperative to consider more holistic anthropological explanations of change in the pre-European Maori past, with a focus on integrated regional sequences.

Summary: Although a good deal of information is available about the Maoris of New Zealand, concerning their origin, customs, and culture, yet statistical data regarding their actual numbers at any time before 1857 are comparatively rare. It is a fact that the Maori population in any given locality was a fluctuating one and that their distribution in general was very variable and this constitutes a formidable difficulty in making any estimate of their numbers before the first cenus. A second obstacle is the difficulty of travel which faced the early European explorers. For example, when Cook visited New Zealand, he made an estimate of the population but it was largely conjectural as Cook saw the natives at only those places he touched around the coast, and had in fact no means of estimating what proportion of the total population those communities formed. Actually the Maoris were not confined to the coastline, and therefore Cook�s estimate cannot be regarded as based on adequate data. An evaluation of his estimate will be made later--Chapter 1.

Summary: This thesis is a regional study of the interactions between Polynesian man and his environment in the Catlins district, southern New Zealand. The prehistory of the Catlins differs from that of the rest of southern New Zealand (Murihiku) in its pattern of early and continuing settlement followed by abandonment at the end of the seventeenth century. The examination of such a marked change in settlement pattern is likely to yield useful insights into the interplay of cultural and environmental factors. Three different approaches have been stressed: culture history, environmental characteristics and temporal changes in the environment. The relevant environmental factors were studied after consideration of the archaeological and ethnographic data. Methods of sampling and recording these factors were examined and the need to distinguish between man-induced and natural changes in the vegetation emphasised. This thesis incorporates newly gathered data on local climates, forest associations, forest clearings, estuarine populations and site location in the Catlins region, as well as on stratigraphical associations at Papatowai Point. Detailed analyses of the above disclosed that the initial economic pattern of Polynesian people in the Catlins was one of multi-resource zone exploitation of sea, estuary, soft and rocky shorelines, forests and inland plains. Early use of the Mataura and Waimea Plains may have been largely for exploiting silcrete and porcellanite sources, rather than for food supplies. It is postulates that when the climate deteriorated, sites adjacent to fewer resource zones were occupied. The earlier sites may have been abondoned, or occupied at the same time. Two settlement models, incorporating these alternatives, are presented. Seasonal markers indicate a maximum occupation from spring to autumn, and there is no positive evidence of winter occupation. About 1700-1750 A.D., the Catlins coast was abandoned, despite the continued availability of most traditional food supplies. Moas has become extinct and, judging by the data from Papatowai, seals were less abundant than in the 11th to 14th centuries. Ethnographic material indicates that the inland resources of eels, lampreys, forest birds and, presumably, bracken rhizomes were important in the 19th century to Maoris living immediately north and south-west of the Catlins. It is postulated that the local peoples ceased using the Catlins coast in the early 18th century because the dense forests made access to the inland regions difficult. With the moas extinct and seal colonies locally depleted, the Catlins coast lost much of its advantages. A new strategy was adopted of spending the summer months at the mouth of the Clutha River or west of Waikawa where the same resources could be exploited as on the Catlins coast but where inland access was easier. The Catlins coast may never have been occupied during winter, since the damp climate would militate against the storage of dried foods. Hence there is no need to assume a total shift of population in the 18th century to the north or west but rather a change in the pattern of seasonal movements.

Summary: Although a good deal of information is available about the Maoris of New Zealand, concerning their origin, customs, and culture, yet statistical data regarding their actual numbers at any time before 1857 are comparatively rare. It is a fact that the Maori population in any given locality was a fluctuating one and that their distribution in general was very variable and this constitutes a formidable difficulty in making any estimate of their numbers before the first cenus. A second obstacle is the difficulty of travel which faced the early European explorers. For example, when Cook visited New Zealand, he made an estimate of the population but it was largely conjectural as Cook saw the natives at only those places he touched around the coast, and had in fact no means of estimating what proportion of the total population those communities formed. Actually the Maoris were not confined to the coastline, and therefore Cook�s estimate cannot be regarded as based on adequate data. An evaluation of his estimate will be made later--Chapter 1.

In the northern South Island, the area northern Te Wai Pounamu (NTWP) is defined appropriate to a regional investigation of pre-European culture change. It is argued that the Maori sequence of this region is relevant to a range of interpretative problems in New Zealand�s archaeological past. Preparatory to this investigation, the international and New Zealand literature on culture change is reviewed. Two primary investigative foci of change are identified in NTWP; subsistence economy and stone tool manufacturing technology. A chronological scheme of Early, Middle and Late Periods based on firmly dated ecological events and/or independent radiocarbon ages is defined so as to order the archaeological data without recourse to unproven scenarios of cultural change and association. The Early Period subsistence economy is assessed in some detail. An Early Period settlement focus is documented along the eastern Tasman Bay coast in proximity to meta-argillite sources. Early Period midden remains suggest that several genera of seal and moa were exploited, and that people were fishing in eastern Tasman Bay during the warmer months of the year. From the Early Period fishhook assemblages of Tasman Bay, manufacturing change is inferred related to the increasing scarcity of moa bone over time. It is argued that lower Early Period settlement of the larger northern South Island was focused on the north-eastern coast to Rangitoto (D�Urville Island), while NTWP was characterized by smaller stone working communities operating in summer. In contrast, moa-free middens in Awaroa Inlet and Bark Bay of the western Tasman Bay granite coast present a physical dominance of Paphies australis, and finfish species suggesting, along with the dearth of Austrovenus stutchburyi, occupation outside of the warmer summer months. These middens also present an absence of seal and a paucity of bird bone, while sharing a robust 15th-16th centuries AD radiocarbon chronology. With the dearth of all bird species from granite coast middens in general, and evidence that the less preferred kokako (Callaeas c. cinerea) was caught during the occupation of Awaroa Inlet N26/214, it is suggested that cultural regulations beyond immediate subsistence needs were also operating at this time. From southern Tasman Bay, the archaeological investigation of the important Appleby site N27/118 suggests that the people associated with the extensive horticultural soils of Waimea West otherwise consumed finfish and estuarine shellfish in (non-summer) season, kiore (Rattus exulans), dog or kuri (Canis familiaris), and several small evidence of Maori tradition, archaeological charcoal, and the approximately 16th century radiocarbon chronology for N27/118 and the associated Appleby gravel borrow pit N27/122 places the advent of extensive Waimea horticulture within the post-moa, lower Middle Period Maori economy. The Haulashore Island archaeological assemblage of south-eastern Tasman Bay with a similar material culture to Appleby is also bereft of seal and any diagnostic moa bone. This Middle Period evidence is considered in a larger comparative perspective, where the absence of seal from 15th-16th centuries Tasman Bay middens is interpreted as a factor of human predation. A secure radiocarbon chronology suggests the convergence of this loss with the diminishment and loss of selected avifauna, and the subsequent advent of large horticultural complexes in the northern South Island compensated for the loss of faunal calories in a seasonally economy and a managed ecology. The evidence of stone tool use is also reviewed in some detail for NTWP, following the definition of an adze typology appropriate to the classification of meta-argillite tools. It is clear that meta-argillite is the dominant material of adze and (non-adze) flake tool manufacture throughout the Maori sequence of NTWP, while granite coast quartz remains generally subdominant. Beyound the apparent loss of the laterally-hafted adze, the evidence of adze change is generally subdominant. Beyond the apparent loss of the laterally-hafted adze, the evidence of adze change is generally reflected in shifting typological proportions, and in new manufacturing technologies and dressing techniques. Functional change may be inferred in the loss over time of large meta-argillite points and blade tools associated respectively with the manufacture of one-piece moa bone fishhooks and moa and seal butchery. The exclusive identification of hammer-dressed adzes with hump backs and steep bevels in Middle Period assemblages is related to the advent of horticultural intensification. More generally, adzes of the upper Early and Middle Periods are increasingly characterized by round sections, while hammer-dressing is employed more frequently and extensively reduced from riverine meta-argillite and recycled banks. Collectively, these changes reflect a developing emphasis on economy and opportunistic exploitation. From this interpretation, and evidence that meta-argillite adze length and the size of high quality Ohana source flakes diminish over time, it is suggested that accessible, high quality and appropriately shaped meta-argillite rock became increasingly scarce through intensive quarry manufacture. In conclusion, the coincidence of diminishing rock and faunal resources over time is related in a speculative anthropological model of culture change. It is proposed that the 14th-16th centuries Maori economy of NTWP, and by implication and inference, many other regions of New Zealand, was characterized by a resource crisis which either precipitated or reinforced a broader trajectory of culture change. It is suggested that influential leadears perceived a linkage in the loss of high quality rock and important subsistence fauna at this time, and that distinctive technologies, institutions and ideologies of Middle Period Maori society were influenced by, and/or developed from, this perception. Finally, it is recommended that the data of an archaeological Maori culture sequence be ordered and tested within a radiocarbon based chronological scheme, rather than the still generally used model of �Archaic� and �Classic� cultural periods. It is also suggested that New Zealand archaeologists should look beyond the functional-ecological imperative to consider more holistic anthropological explanations of change in the pre-European Maori past, with a focus on integrated regional sequences.

The ambivalence of many prehistorians toward curio collections has meant that, although they recognise some of their shortcomings, they nevertheless use collections as if they had qualities of archaeological assemblages. In this dissertation it is posited and then demonstrated that curio collections are very different entities to archaeological assemblages. In order to use collections in valid constructions of New Zealand�s pre-European past, the processes that led to their formation need to be understood. It is only then that issues of representation can be addressed. In order to better understand the collecting process, a study of the activity of 24 curio collectors who operated in the Murihiku region of southern New Zealand during the period between 1865 and 1975 was undertaken. The study was structured about two key notions: the idea of the �filter� and the idea that tools and ornaments have a �life history� that extends from the time that raw material was selected for the manufacture to the present. The notion of the filter made possible a determination of the effects of particular behaviours on patterns of collector selectivity and the extent and nature of provenance recording; and the extended concept of life history recognised that material culture functions in multiple cultural and chronological contexts-within both indigenous and post-contact spheres. Examination of the collecting process led to the identification of five curio collecting paradigms: curio collecting for the acquisition of social status, curio collecting for financial return, curio collecting as an adjunct to natural history collecting, curio collecting as an adjunct to historical recording, and ethnological or culture-area curio collecting. Filtering processes associated with each paradigm resulted in particular, but not always distinctive, patterns of curio selectivity and styles of provenance recording. A switch in the focus of attention from examination of curio collectng processes generally to the study of the filtering processes that shaped collections from a specific archaeological site-the pre-European Otago Peninsula site of Little Papanui (J44/1)- enabled some evaluation of individuual collection representation. A database recording up to 19 attributes for each of 6282 curios localised to �Little Papanui� in Otago Museum enabled 31 dedicated or �ardent� collectors who operated at the site to be identified. These 31 dedicated collectors were grouped according to the paradigm that best described their collecting behaviour. It was found that the greater proportion of these dedicated collectors (n=12, 39%) had been influenced by the ethnological or culture-area collecting paradigm. These 12 collectors were responsible for recovering a remarkable 5645 curios or nearly ninety-percent (89.86%) of the meta-collection. Because curio collections lack meaningfully recorded stratigraphic provenance, it is the technological and social context in which tools and ornaments functioned that must become the focus of curio collection studies. Appropriate studies of technological and social and context focus upon evaluations of raw material sourcing, evaluations of manufacture technique and assessments of tool and ornament use and reuse (and integrative combinations of these modes of study). These sorts of evaluation require large collections compiled in the least selective manner possible and the collections need to be reliably localised to specific sites. Collections compiled by the ethnological or culture-area collectors have these qualities. Collections compiled within other paradigms lack locality information and were assembled in highly selective manners.

Kaumaatua of the Te Koeti Turanga hapuu (sub-tribe) of South Westland have expressed concern that the mana of their Kaati Mamoe ancestors has been trampled on and their identity subsumed through union with the Kai Tahu tribal confederation. The history of the Kaati Mamoe iwi in the South island has been marginalised by the subsequent arrival of a number of hapuu of the Ngaati Kahungunu in the seventeenth century. The conflict which ensured following this gradual migration has traditionally been interpreted as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity in the island. Complexity has been added to this situation as a result of European colonisation in the nineteenth century. The purchase by Pakeha of vast tracts of land in the South Island, and the failure to exempt the reserves promised, put pressure on the takata whenua�s land base and resources. The Crown�s refusal to acknowledge and redress the grievances of South Island Maori over the last hundred years has obliged the Kaati Mamoe to unite with the Kai Tahu. This process has served to further marginalise their identity, in this case in the southern rohe of the West Coast. The method that I have used in this work draws upon a number of disciplines. Oral history and written records of the Te Koeti hapuu form the central sources and to this extent this work may be described as being written from a Kaati Mamoe perspective. I have undertaken a review of the material recorded by European collectors of South Island Maori tradition in order to understand the way in which their reports have shaped the European view of South Westland Maori. And finally a review of the archaeological record has been included in order to provide information about the everyday material life of the ancestors of the South Westland hapuu. A number of conclusions have been reached in this thesis. Firstly that the peace arrangement at Popoutunoa which has been viewed by Kai Tahu as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity is not necessarily the view of many Kaati Mamoe descendants. The historical record shows that a number of individuals continued to fight the Kai Tahu due to tribal differences while others continued to live alongside Kai Tahu in peace. As throughout much of Aotearoa, the importance of the hapuu as a source for an individual�s identity in Maori society prior to European colonisation has been over-shadowed. In the case of the South Westland people union with Kai Tahu, which was vital in the face of the loss of land, has been interpreted as the loss of their affiliation and identity with Kaati Mamoe.

Summary: European colonial expansion during the past five centuries has had serious repercussions for many indigenous populations. Responses to intrusive European culture have varied. Aboriginal Tasmanian culture was extinguised (Plomley 1966). The Cheyenne (Höebel 1964) and the Mapuche Indians (Faron 1968) have struggled to retain their identity and their compromises with European culture have been grudging. Many indigenous societies have been ravaged by disease and warfare and others have been transformed into a culture with both European and indigenous elements. Then there are the Swazi (Kuper 1964), who are continuing, at the present time to adjust to colonialist regimes. The New Zealand Maori have adopted elements of European culture without losing a distinctive cultural identity (Metge 1968). Details of events following initial contact between indigenous societies and Europeans are obscure, usually because of poor documentation. Yet it is precisely this initial period of culture contact that is often of particular interest to anthropologists. Until recently, accounts of culture contact have been left to historians, political scientists, ethnographers and social anthropologists. Archaeologists have tended to overlook this area of research, probably on the assumption that it is already well documented. However, the study of recent culture-contact situations is clearly the provenance of archaeology as well as other disciplines (Sturtevant 1966 : 41). Indeed, one of the major attractions of post-contact archaeology is the very fact that there are usually some relevant data from non-archaeological disciplines (op.cit.: 42-3). There are several self-evident areas of potential research in post-contact archaeology. Historical documentation may be used to locate archaeological sites (Pilling 1968; Trigger 1969); ethnic groups may be traced back into the late prehistoric period from the ethnographic present by using the "direct historical approach" (see Sturtevant 1966: 9; Hall 1969; Stewart 1942; Stewart 1969; Wright 1968); the effects of culture contact (Oswalt and van Stone 1967) or the expansion of the colonial settlements (Allen 1967; Nöel Hume 1963) may be the principal foci; and there is also the possibility of projecting cultural adaptations back into the late prehistoric part (Fitting and Cleland 1969) in order to discover the corresponding cultural patterns. The present study will consider culture change induced by contact with an intrusive culture. The indigenous culture is New Zealand Maori, the intrusive culture, European.

The ambivalence of many prehistorians toward curio collections has meant that, although they recognise some of their shortcomings, they nevertheless use collections as if they had qualities of archaeological assemblages. In this dissertation it is posited and then demonstrated that curio collections are very different entities to archaeological assemblages. In order to use collections in valid constructions of New Zealand�s pre-European past, the processes that led to their formation need to be understood. It is only then that issues of representation can be addressed. In order to better understand the collecting process, a study of the activity of 24 curio collectors who operated in the Murihiku region of southern New Zealand during the period between 1865 and 1975 was undertaken. The study was structured about two key notions: the idea of the �filter� and the idea that tools and ornaments have a �life history� that extends from the time that raw material was selected for the manufacture to the present. The notion of the filter made possible a determination of the effects of particular behaviours on patterns of collector selectivity and the extent and nature of provenance recording; and the extended concept of life history recognised that material culture functions in multiple cultural and chronological contexts-within both indigenous and post-contact spheres. Examination of the collecting process led to the identification of five curio collecting paradigms: curio collecting for the acquisition of social status, curio collecting for financial return, curio collecting as an adjunct to natural history collecting, curio collecting as an adjunct to historical recording, and ethnological or culture-area curio collecting. Filtering processes associated with each paradigm resulted in particular, but not always distinctive, patterns of curio selectivity and styles of provenance recording. A switch in the focus of attention from examination of curio collectng processes generally to the study of the filtering processes that shaped collections from a specific archaeological site-the pre-European Otago Peninsula site of Little Papanui (J44/1)- enabled some evaluation of individuual collection representation. A database recording up to 19 attributes for each of 6282 curios localised to �Little Papanui� in Otago Museum enabled 31 dedicated or �ardent� collectors who operated at the site to be identified. These 31 dedicated collectors were grouped according to the paradigm that best described their collecting behaviour. It was found that the greater proportion of these dedicated collectors (n=12, 39%) had been influenced by the ethnological or culture-area collecting paradigm. These 12 collectors were responsible for recovering a remarkable 5645 curios or nearly ninety-percent (89.86%) of the meta-collection. Because curio collections lack meaningfully recorded stratigraphic provenance, it is the technological and social context in which tools and ornaments functioned that must become the focus of curio collection studies. Appropriate studies of technological and social and context focus upon evaluations of raw material sourcing, evaluations of manufacture technique and assessments of tool and ornament use and reuse (and integrative combinations of these modes of study). These sorts of evaluation require large collections compiled in the least selective manner possible and the collections need to be reliably localised to specific sites. Collections compiled by the ethnological or culture-area collectors have these qualities. Collections compiled within other paradigms lack locality information and were assembled in highly selective manners.

Kaumaatua of the Te Koeti Turanga hapuu (sub-tribe) of South Westland have expressed concern that the mana of their Kaati Mamoe ancestors has been trampled on and their identity subsumed through union with the Kai Tahu tribal confederation. The history of the Kaati Mamoe iwi in the South island has been marginalised by the subsequent arrival of a number of hapuu of the Ngaati Kahungunu in the seventeenth century. The conflict which ensured following this gradual migration has traditionally been interpreted as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity in the island. Complexity has been added to this situation as a result of European colonisation in the nineteenth century. The purchase by Pakeha of vast tracts of land in the South Island, and the failure to exempt the reserves promised, put pressure on the takata whenua�s land base and resources. The Crown�s refusal to acknowledge and redress the grievances of South Island Maori over the last hundred years has obliged the Kaati Mamoe to unite with the Kai Tahu. This process has served to further marginalise their identity, in this case in the southern rohe of the West Coast. The method that I have used in this work draws upon a number of disciplines. Oral history and written records of the Te Koeti hapuu form the central sources and to this extent this work may be described as being written from a Kaati Mamoe perspective. I have undertaken a review of the material recorded by European collectors of South Island Maori tradition in order to understand the way in which their reports have shaped the European view of South Westland Maori. And finally a review of the archaeological record has been included in order to provide information about the everyday material life of the ancestors of the South Westland hapuu. A number of conclusions have been reached in this thesis. Firstly that the peace arrangement at Popoutunoa which has been viewed by Kai Tahu as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity is not necessarily the view of many Kaati Mamoe descendants. The historical record shows that a number of individuals continued to fight the Kai Tahu due to tribal differences while others continued to live alongside Kai Tahu in peace. As throughout much of Aotearoa, the importance of the hapuu as a source for an individual�s identity in Maori society prior to European colonisation has been over-shadowed. In the case of the South Westland people union with Kai Tahu, which was vital in the face of the loss of land, has been interpreted as the loss of their affiliation and identity with Kaati Mamoe.