Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record.

Text in Afrikaans / The study is undertaken to determine the influence of the Co-ordinating Council on the co-ordination of local government policy. A simplified analytical model is used to determine the activities that are undertaken by the Co-ordinating Council. The Co-ordinating Council identifies needs from the external municipal environment which are used as inputs for the submission of recommendations to the Cabinet. As a result the Cabinet uses the recommendations to promulgate parliamentary legislation. Parliamentary legislation which is applicable to local government affairs, is then linked back to the external municipal environment and implemented. The success of the co-ordinating function of the Co-ordinating Council can be measured by the variety of parliamentary acts that have been promulgated as a result of the activities of said Council. / Die studie word onderneem om die invloed van die Koordinerende Raad op die koordinering van plaaslike owerheidsbeleid te bepaal. 'n Vereenvoudigde analitiese ontledingsmodel word gebruik om die werksaamhede van die Koordinerende Raad te bepaal. Die Koordinerende Raad identifiseer behoeftes, vanuit die eksterne munisipale omgewing, wat as toevoere aangewend word om aanbevelings aan die Kabinet voor te le. Die Kabinet gebruik die aanbevelings om parlementere wetgewing te promulgeer. Parlementere wetgewing wat op plaaslike owerheidsaangeleenthede betrekking het, word daarna na die eksterne munisipale omgewing teruggekoppel en geimplementeer. Die sukses van die koordineringsfunksie ·van die Koordinerende Raad kan gemeet word aan die verskeidenheid van parlementere wette wat reeds weens die werksaamhede van die bovermelde Raad tot stand gekom het. / Public Administration and Management / M.A. (Public Administration)

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(Chapters 1 and 2) In 1900 parties did not contest municipal elections in Wolverhampton nor compel their members on the Council to vote together as blocks. All candidates, save the few Labour representatives, called themselves Independents, despite their well-known loyalties to the major national parties. Parties were not involved in the Council's political process, because their purpose was to gain and sustain support for an M.P. and not to have the Council implement a distinctive party municipal policy. Conservatives and Liberals shared the Parliamentary representation of the town and therefore had no incentive to fight municipal elections to assist their General Election campaigns. Their Councillors were a fairly homogeneous group, not seriously divided by economic or social issues. The divisions which occurred in the Council did not produce a constantly recurring cleavage between the same two blocks. Over each controversy there was a fresh coalition of members. After 1900 parties impinged more and more on the Council. When it took over the responsibility for education in 1903, the partisan and sectarian strife which had split the School Board was transferred to the Council, and the alliances formed over this topic persisted for others. Then the sitting Conservative M.P. was ousted by the Labour candidate in 1906, the Conservatives began officially and systematically to contest municipal elections to aid their Parliamentary prospects. The local Labour Party evolved a municipal policy, end fought elections as a party and pressed its Councillors to act in concert to achieve its implementation. As the number of Labour members grew in the interwar years, the non-Labour members were forced to co-ordinate their tactics on the Council through an informal "caucus", which, after Labour had gained a majority in 1945, became more formal and committed to an alternative programme to Labour's. After 1948 the Conservatives urged that all non- Labour candidates should adopt the official Conservative label, and within 7 years all Independents had been eliminated from elections and the Council. In 1964 candidates at municipal elections are nominees of the major parties, and members of the Council are either Conservative or Labour. This involvement of parties in municipal affairs has increased the amount of public participation in local government. Because the franchise has been considerably widened, a higher proportion of the population are eligble to vote, and because more seats are contested, the electorate has more opportunities to use the vote. Growing party involvement has meant that even safe wards are fought to help the parties' Parliamentary chances. A far wider range of people become Councillors now than in 1900, for tht Labour Party has been the vehicle for bringing to the Council groups which had previously not been represented. (Chapter 3) In 1900 each ward had its own unique voting pattern. In 1964 the wards can be categorised into 3 types, each with a distinct socio-economic structure which correlates with its voting behaviour. Safe Conservstive wards have little industry and are inhabited by middle class people in private houses. Safe Labour wards are industrial, where the working class live in Council houses or pre-1914 rented property. Marginal wards are of mixed social composition. The swing in municipal elections is now remarkably similar over the whole town both in general direction and size, and the share of the vote gained by the parties is the same as in a General Election. In 1900 there was not such uniformity; local issues and candidates significantly affected the result; and voting did not correlate so closely with economic status; religion was also a determinant. Fewer Councillors now live end work in the wards they represent, and this is more true of Labour than Conservative members. Conservatives have nothing to correspond to Labour's Borough Party, responsible solely for municipal affairs and for drawing up a panel of approved candidates, to which Labour ward parties are restricted when selecting candidates. Conservative ward parties have more autonomy, and tend to select people from their own wards, while Labour ward parties, who have had the opportunity through the Borough Party of meeting people from other parts of the town tend not to select people from their own wards. Service to the party is the main criterion for selection as a Labour candidate, while Conservatives usually make their reputations in extra-party activities. These different selection processes have another significant consequence. Labour members are more devoted to their party than Conservatives to theirs, and they value more highly the involvement of party in municipal matters. In 1900 the conflict between wards produced many divisions on the Council; now the conflict has been subsumed by that between the parties. (Chapter 4) The polarisation of the Council into two parties reflects a polarisation of the occupational composition of the Council. In 1900 it comprised a fairly homogeneous group of manufacturers, professional men and shopkeepers. The latter have remained a constant element, but the first two have declined, replaced by working men, women and retired people, who are predominantly Labour, while the others are Conservative. (Chapter 5) These political and occupational groups occupy different social worlds too, for the members of each party belong to distinct sets of associations. There is less social intermingling of the Councillors than in 1900. (Chapter 6) Complaints that the calibre of the Councillors has declined are old and have not always blamed parties as is the case today. It is hard to find objective criteria by which to assess a Councillor's quality. Both good and bad are to be found in all occupations, age groups and types of educational experience. A personal assessment suggests that the number of first class Councillors has fallen, the usaless category has remained constant and the moderately competent has increased. The key factor determining whether a Councillor will be effective is the time he can devote to Council work. Generally, the more he can give, the more effective will he be. In 1964 more is demanded of a Councillor than in 1900, since the responsibilities of the Council have increased tremendously. A Councillor's work is harder now than in 1900. (Chapter 7) The Labour Party invented the Group, the meeting of members of the Council of the same party to concert their action in the Council. Before 1945 it was an informal meeting, but after the Labour Party gained a majority, it became a formal session before each full Council meeting. It is not so highly developed in Wolverhampton as in some other towns. It lives from Council agenda to Council agenda, devising its tactics for each Council meeting and determining the Group's attitude to policies drawn up elsewhere. It does not plot ahead, initiate or formulate policy. It arbitrates between committees, acts as an information centre for Councillors about the work of committees on which they do not sit, decides who will be Mayor, Aldermen and Chairmen and ensures that its members vote the same way. Attempts to transform it into a policy-making body failed because the Chairmen were reluctant to submit their committees' operations to the scrutiny of a strengthened Group. (Chapter 8) The Conservatives adopted the Group system as the only means to resist the Labour Group. It performs similar functions, but since it is an opposition Group, it has had less to do, and since its members are not Chairmen, it has been more eager to be forged into an instrument for making policy. Thus it is a more developed institution than the Labour Group.

In the second half of the nineteenth century, the Kingdom of Siam's territorial integrity and independence were threatened by the great imperial Powers of France and Great Britain. In the course of the century and in the first decade of the twentieth century, Siam conceded extraterritorial rights, gave fiscal concessions, lost some of her territories to the two Great Powers, but maintained her independence. She owed her survival as an independent nation, on the one hand, to her distant position, from the major trade routes of the period and to the rivalry between France and Great Britain, and, on the other hand, to her accommodating diplomacy and to the modernization of her government and administration. This Thesis examines one aspect of Siam's modernization of her government and administration namely the creation, the growth, and the achievements of the Ministry of the Interior under Prince Damrong Rachanuphap between 1392 and 1915. The subject of the modernization of the Ministry of the Interior was chosen because it makes a contribution to the knowledge of the history of Siam. It is concerned with Siam's internal politics in both its metropolitan and provincial settings. It also deals with much of Siam's external politics in the nineteenth century and in the first decade of the twentieth century. The main body of the Thesis is a detailed examination of Siam's traditional provincial administration, its gradual reform in the 1870s and 1880s, the creation of the centralized system of provincial administration known as the Thesaphiban system of provincial administration between 1892 and 1899, and its implementation and development between 1899 and 1915. This Thesis is occupied not only with the provincial but also with other branches of the administration. The Ministry of the Interior had during this period subsidiary departments, namely the Forestry, Mines, Provincial Gendarmerie, Provincial Revenue, Health, and Provincial Criminal Investigation Departments. It also helped to extend the work of the Ministries of Education, Defence, and Agriculture into the provinces. The subject of the modernization of the Ministry of the Interior was also chosen because it bears some relation to problems of more general historical interest. The survival of Siam as an independent nation thanks partly to the reform of her government and administration is related to the question of the modernization and westernization of non-European countries in the nineteenth and twentieth century. The Thesis attempts to analyse the internal and external forces which caused Siam to reform her government and administration. At the same time, it tries to detect the traditional western elements in the various schemes of modernization. In this way, the Thesis might ultimately be of some use to comparative studies of modernization and westernization between non-European nations such as between Siam and Japan. The treatment is original inasmuch as it is the first time that archival sources have been used in the study of this subject. Hitherto, the best studies or the subject such as Detchard Vongkomolshet's 'The Administrative, Judicial, and Financial Reforms of King Chulalongkorn 1868-1910' (Cornell Univ. M.A. thesis 1958) and Chakkrit Moranitiphadungkan's Somdet Phrachao Borommawongthoe Krom Phraya Damrong Rachanuphap kap Krasuang Mahatthai, Prince Damrong Rachanuphap and the Ministry of the Interior (Bangkok, 1963) have used only published sources such as printed documents, official journals, and memoirs. These works are also limited 'by a legalistic approach which concentrates on the declaration of intentions rather than on an investigation of the implementation of the edicts and regulations in the field. The Thesis tries to show that there was a great deal of discrepancy between the government's ideals and their practical fulfilment. This disparity existed both before and after the reform of the government and the administration in the 1880s and 1890s. On the one hand, it seems, for instance, that traditional Siamese government and administration worked quite differently in theory and in practice in both their metropolitan and provincial settings. On the other hand, it appears that, as far as the Ministry of the Interior was concerned, the promulgation of reforms in the 1880s and 1890s did not entail their immediate fulfilment. The Ministry faced active opposition and passive resistance to the modernisation of the provincial administration. The government's lacK of money also meant that it suffered from a scarcity of professional civil servants which in turn resulted in a iacK of leadership and efficiency in the implementation of reforms in every sphere and at every level of the provincial administration. The Thesis ends by asking the reader to treat the Siamese government and administration according to their contemporary terms. The traditional government and administration, although they worked quite differently in theory and in practice, were not only capable of managing internal politics but also of executing ambitious external policies. The Ministry or the Interior, in spite of the disparity between the declaration of intentions and the implementation of reforms, did manage to overcome active and passive opposition and to lay the foundation for a centralized system of provincial administration. Although its success did perhaps imply that Siamese administration became somewhat over-centralized and over-bureaucratized, the Ministry did try to forestall and to remove these drawbacks by laying at the same time the foundation for self-government at the village and municipal levels. Finally, the Thesis pays tribute to Prince Damrong Rachanuphap who helped to create, to lead, and to inspire the Siamese Ministry of the Interior froiu 1892 to 1915.

D.Phil. (Leadership Performance and Change) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Processes of ecological modernisation – where ecological protection becomes increasingly viable and attractive, whether through market forces or by state intervention and regulation – have received considerable attention within the academic literature. However, extant theory in this respect has focused almost wholly on the nation state level and has yet to account for the role played by local governments. This thesis seeks to address that deficiency by developing conceptual tools to study local government behaviour in order to understand why local governments contribute differently from one another to processes of ecological modernisation. A model of local environmental policy capacity is proposed (using insights from new theories of institutionalism, policy entrepreneurship and policy networks) and is applied to the ‘zero-carbon homes’ policy agenda of England in the period 2006 to 2015. This agenda is chosen because it both illustrates ecological modernisation and centres on a key field of responsibility for local government – local planning. Two local governments are chosen for in-depth study to assess the value of the model. Oxford City Council, on the one hand, which showed reluctance in contributing to the agenda, and Cambridge City Council, on the other, which has been more proactive. The research provides useful insights on reasons for the differences between the two cities, these reflecting, above all, the dialectical relationship between policy entrepreneurship and institutions. Empowered entrepreneurs operating within an institutional context conducive to both change, and with a focus on sustainability, are important conditions for action. The key contribution of the thesis lies in its revelations about the processes of ecological modernisation at a local level, and the argument that, if ecological modernisation theory is to be useful in explaining the processes of change in this regard – as it claims to be – then it needs also to take account of local government’s contributions.

This thesis deals with problems and prospects for local government in Tanzania. In the opening chapter theoretical issues relating to local government in developing countries are raised. These are followed by a historical account of the development of local government institutions in Tanzania, from pre-colonial times to the present day. After this, the thesis identifies current problems of local government performance paying special attention to local government authorities' effectiveness in collecting their own revenues, their responsiveness to public needs, and staff satisfaction with council leadership. Various explanations of poor performance of local government authorities in Tanzania are then reviewed and evaluated. While acknowledging the lack of autonomy from central government and the ill-planned re-introduction of councils in 1982 as causes of poor performance, this thesis attributes some of the performance problems to the traditional managerial philosophy, the reliance on rigid bureaucratic structures and associated management practices, and to inappropriate managerial skills of the elected and non-elected officials of councils. In conclusion the thesis elaborates suggestions for action to improve the performance of local government in Tanzania.

One of the most challenging questions that a political comparativist can grapple with in todays world is: Why do some countries and their systems of governance fail while others succeed? As a student of comparative politics, I have been grappling with a similar question for some time now: What is wrong with development initiatives in Africa? This is the major question motivating my research. In this dissertation, I apply a new institutional approach to an exploration and analysis of the fundamental institutional issues of the current local governance system in Tanzania. Specifically, this study investigates and reflects on the relationship between institutions and governance in local political settings and analyzes the impacts of institutional factors on good governance, particularly at the local level, in Tanzania. Of particular importance in this study is the precise analysis that I provide of contemporary governing practices in Tanzania since the inception of the Local Government Reform Program (LGRP) in 2000. This is used to compare current governing practices to the conceptions of how they were expected work after the end of the program in June 2008. I used documentary research to identify fundamental issues in local governance in Tanzania. From this checklist, a selected few of the problems, ones that are common to all local government authorities (LGAs), were chosen as the foci of the research. Then, in order to explore the relationship between the selected problems and the institutional framework, a case study of four LGAs in Tanzania was employed. I have argued in this dissertation that Tanzanias development outcomes (good governance and reduction of systemic poverty) are greatly influenced by the countrys institutions of governance. However, my research findings show that the role of institutions that are deemed necessary for the achievement of local development goals and good governance in Tanzania has become severely simplified if not forgotten. Drawing on the discussions and findings of each chapter in this dissertation, I came to the conclusion that when the system of governance is malfunctioning, then something must be wrong with its institutional mechanisms. This is what I have described in this study as alternative thinking on governance.