Lean manufacturing provides a fundamental basis for competitiveness in the auto component sector. The implementation and sustainability of the lean philosophy are important aspects when deciding on the adoption of the lean concept within organisations. Various barriers to implementation present themselves during and after lean implementation. These barriers are often related and in some instances they may be converted from an impediment into an enabler of lean within companies. The impact of unions as a negative or positive influence forms a central focus of this research. The influences on the perception of unions and their constituents are studied in relation to other barriers in order to determine their relevance in the Eastern Cape auto sector. A research questionnaire was constructed in line with the selected research design. The application of triangulation in the research design allows for greater depth in the responses from the participants in this research. The quantitative analysis combined with the qualitative thematic analysis provides an excellent means to explore and understand these selected barriers to lean in great detail. It can be concluded that automotive trade unions in the Eastern Cape are a barrier to implementation; however the factor that influences lean the most is the incorrect perception of lean due to ineffective leadership practices among organisational and union leaders, among other barriers. The impact of unions on the acceptance of a lean culture has far-reaching implications for the auto sector that requires a specific implementation approach in order to change perceptions and gain the requisite interest alignment among unions and their constituents.

ollective bargaining continues to play a prominent role in shaping employment relations in South Africa, without which the individual worker is powerless and in a weaker bargaining position against his employer. Collective bargaining can be described as an interactive process that resolves disputes between the employer and employee. In South Africa the advent of democracy was accompanied by numerous interventions to level the historically uneven bargaining field. Therefore in examining the history of collective bargaining in South Africa it is necessary to reflect on the state of labour relations prior and post the 1994 democratic elections. The study provides an overview of the practices and processes of public service collective bargaining in the old and new public service. The public sector accounts for a very significant proportion of employment in all countries around the globe, South Africa is no exception. Although the state as employer is in a stronger position than its private sector counterpart, the public employee is potentially also in a stronger position than its private sector counterpart. A defining characteristic of most government activity and services is that they are the ones available to the public. This means that industrial action which disrupts such services has a very significant impact on the public, serving as a substantial leverage in collective bargaining. The bargaining councils in the public sector which ensure the effectiveness of collective bargaining are maintained, are examined to provide a comprehensive understanding of the workings of these institutions. Some of the gains and challenges are also explored to provide a holistic picture of state of collective bargaining in public service. A comparison of countries seeks to analyse and compare globally the developments of collective bargaining in public administrations. The different political systems around the world have developed various labour relations processes in the public service, an examination of the approaches and mechanisms provides alternative ways of doing things. Recommendations are made regarding the changes that need to be made, as well as matters, which need to be analysed and examined further.

This thesis examines the emergence and development of the African working class in Durban between 1959 and 1985. It begins with an analysis of Durban's economy, which significantly changed .the lives of Africans. It shows how, during an era of economic boom, of intensive state repres•ion and unparalleled social engineering, the state intervened in the shaping of the African community and created the oppressive setting of the African working class, which was to pose the greatest challenge to the established order. The forced removals of the underclasses to the newly established apartheid townships during the late 1950s and early 1960s had a profound influence on the social and political history of this working class. Once African trade unions had been crippled and formal oppositional politics crushed, South African industrial relations enjoyed relative "peace" which was disturbed by the covert forms of worker resistance. In the 1970s the economic position of Durban's African working class was rather tenuous, as earnings had remained static since the 1960s despite the booming economy. Because of this, urban workers felt social and economic pressures from both apartheid and capitalism and responded in a way that shocked both employers and the government. In January 1973 Durban was rocked by strikes, which broke the silence of the 1960s when the South African Congress of Trade Unions declined and the African National Congress and Pan-African Congress were banned. The outbreak of the 1973 Durban strikes marked a new beginning in the labour history and industrial relations of Durban and South Africa in general. A new blend of African independent trade unions emerged with their distinctive style of organisation. They focused on factory-based issues which reaped benefits for the workers in the long-run and managed to sustain pressure from both the state and employers. During this period, however, the African working class paid a high price, enduring miserable conditions, earning wages below the poverty line, experiencing a breakdown in family structure, and living with crime and violence, police repression and the criminalisation of much social and economic life. By 1985, these unions had established themselves so firmly that the state regarded them as a serious challenge. Indeed, the making of Durban's African working class was no easy task and its history shows suffering, change, mobility and accomplishment. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The assignment examines the policy positions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) on restructuring and privatisation. The assignment's theoretical point of departure is found in the work of Levitsky and Way (1998). Levitsky and Way (1998) examines the alliance between a political party and its labour ally in the context of neo-liberal economic reform. The context is usually a political party that has come to power with the aid of a powerful trade union federation. The authors are interested in establishing if the party-union alliance would be sustained if the political party embarks on drastic economic reforms that have the potential to undermine trade union federations. The two cases that are investigated are Poland and Argentina, because in both these cases, a political party has been swept into power with the aid of a powerful trade union federation. Against the background of neo-liberal economic reforms, both trade union federations initially supported the economic reforms. In the medium and long term however, labour defected from the alliance in Poland, whereas the alliance was sustained in Argentina despite the enormous costs to workers. Levitsky and Way (1998) then posit a number of material and institutional factors that explain both the initial convergence and the later divergence between the two test cases. The factors that are included in this framework are social linkages, party strength, leadership overlap, union competition and the degree of autonomy from either party leadership or the rank-and-file. These factors are hypothesised to explain the policy positions and behaviour of the trade union federation. It is this theoretical framework, which will be tested to establish if the framework permits enough conceptual leverage to explain the past and present policy positions of COSATU on privatisation. These factors have been given prominence because of its actual bearing on the status of the alliance relationship. The present study will therefore be using these factors of the framework, and barring one exception, it will be conceptualised in the same way. The second component of the study is to use the South African National Opinion Leader Survey of 1997/98 to study the actual attitudes and opinions of COSATU leaders on a range of privatisation issues. The survey is going to be used to determine if there is any degree of continuity between formal congress resolutions and the attitudes of COSATU leaders in the survey. This is also an indirect way of verifying the ideological loyalty of leaders to the official positions of the trade union federation. The second question returns to the alliance relationship by examining differences, if any between COSATU and ANC leaders on privatisation related issues. Factor analysis is used to build two indexes, namely a "privatisation index" and a "gear index." An interesting finding from the data is the relatively greater policy cohesion amongst COSATU leaders. These results permit speculations that do not necessarily indicate an imminent breaking up of the alliance, but rather continued discussions with possibly various policy compromises by COSATU and the ANC. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die werkstuk ondersoek die beleidsposisie van die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) oor herstrukturering en privatisering in Suid Afrika. Die werkstuk se teoretiese uitgangspunt word in die werk van Levitsky en Way gevind (1998). Hierdie skrywers ondersoek die alliansie tussen 'n politieke party en sy arbeidsvennoot in die konteks van neo-liberale ekonomiese hervorming. Die konteks is 'n politieke party wat aan bewind gekom het met die steun van 'n kragtige vakbondfederasie. Die skrywers wil vas stel of die party-vakbond-alliansie sal voortgaan wanneer die politieke party drastiese ekonomiese hervorming aanpak wat die potensiaal het om vakbond federasies te ondermyn. Twee gevalle, naamlik Pole en Argentinië word ondersoek. In albei gevalle het die regerende politieke party aan bewind gekom met die hulp van die vakbond federasie. Teen hierdie agtergrond van neo-liberale hervorming het albei vakbond federasies in Pole en Argentinië aanvanklik die proses gesteun. Gedurende hierdie tydperk het vakbonde in Pole weggebreek van die alliansie, terwyl die alliansie in Argentinië ten spyte van die groot koste vir die werkers voortgesit was. Levitsky en Way (1998) verskaf 'n aantal materiële en institusionele faktore wat die aanvanklike samevloeiing en die latere uiteenvloeiing in hul twee voorbeelde kan verduidelik. Die faktore wat in die ontleding gebruik word is sosiale verbindinge, partysterkte, leierskap oorvleueling, vakbond kompetisie en outonomie van of party leierskap en gewone werkers. Volgens die skrywers se hipotese sal hierdie faktore die beleidsposisies van die vakbond federasie verklaar. Dit is hierdie teoretiese raamwerk wat in die studie gebruik word. Daar word gepoog om vas te stel of hierdie raamwerk genoegsame konseptuele reikwydte het om COSATU se privatiserings beleid te verduidelik. Die tweede komponent van die studie is die gebruik van die Suid Afrikaanse Nasionale Menings Opname van 1997/98. Dit word gebruik om die houdings en die opinies van COSATU leiers oor n breë spektrum van privatiserings kwessies te ondersoek. Die doel is om vas te stel of daar enige graad van kontinuïteit tussen formele kongres resolusies en houdings van COSATU leiers bestaan. Dit is ook 'n manier om die "ideologiese getrouheid" van COSATU leiers te verifieer. Tweedens word daar teruggekeer na die alliansie verhouding deur die verskille tussen ANC en COSATU leiers betreffende privatiserings verwante kwessies te ondersoek. Faktor ontleding word gebruik om twee indekse te bou, naamlik 'n "Privatiserings indeks" en 'n "Gear-indeks". Interessante bevindinge wat dui op 'n groter beleidskohesie by Cosatu-meningsvormers as by ANC-meningsvormers kom na vore. Na aanleiding van bogenoemde model word daar gespekuleer dat hierdie meningspatrone nie noodwendig op 'n uiteenval van die alliansie dui nie, maar eerder op voortgesette gesprekke met verskeie beleidskompromisse by Cosatu sowel as die ANC-leierskap.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This project attempts to assess critically the 'dualistic' role of Organised Labour within the complexities of societal transition processes. As observed by Bendix (1976/2000), the Industrial Relations System, and Organised Labour within it, is a generator for societal and political change. At present, the German union federation Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) do not only hold prominent positions in their respective collective bargaining systems, but also a considerable amount of political power. In both societies, strict labour legislation and strong social-democratic or even communist factions prevent government from adopting more liberal and flexible labour laws. In this paper, the historical and the present role of Organised Labour in its wider societal, context has been critically examined within the framework of the EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE approach (Willy Bendix, 1979) and the TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX (Willy Bendix, 1979). Both, the EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model and the TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX have been applied to place the Deutcher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) into their own societal perspectives in order to establish their role and policy in the societal transition process of their respective countries. In this respect, great similarities between problems, developments and policy formation have been found. Also that, albeit with a historical 'time lag', COSATU appears to follow the structural developments of its German counterpart, the DGB. Perhaps the most salient observation and conclusion is that, while the adaptation of the trade union movement in Germany within this country's societal, industrial transition phases, and particularly in the period of the reunification of East and West Germany, entailing the integration of a communist-socialist system into a social market economy and parliamentary democracy, was of a relatively realistic nature and resulted in a high degree of co operation between the social partners at the highest level leading to 'post modern unionism', South Africa, in its present industrial transition phase, has still to contend with strongly ideologically driven 'fighting unions'. This might hamper an effective economic policy formulation by the government. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie werkstuk is 'n evaluasie van die 'tweeledige' rol van die arbeidsbeweging binne die kompleksiteit van 'n sosiale oorgangsproses. Soos deur Bendix (1996/2000) beweer, is die nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel met arbeid as hoofakteur daarbinne as 'n dryfkrag, die katalisator vir sosiale en politiese verandering. Die vakbondfederasies Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) end die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) speel tans nie net prominente rolle in hulle individuele nywerheidsverhoudingsstrukture nie, maar het ook sterk magsbasise in hulle sosiale konteks. In albei samelewings verhinder streng progressiewe arbeidswetgewing en oorweldigende sosiaal-demokratiese, of selfs kommunistiese faksies die regering daarvan om meer liberale en buigbare arbeidswetgewing in te stel. In hierdie skrif word die geskiedkundige en huidige rolle van georganiseerde arbeid ondersoek binne die raamwerk van die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE Benadering (Willy Bendix, 1979) asook die TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX (Willy Bendix, 1979). Albei, die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model en die TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX is toegepas om die Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) en die CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONS (COSATU) in hulle samelewingskompleksiteit te plaas om hulle rolle en beleid in hulle eie lande te bepaal. In hierdie proses van ondersoek is 'n groot ooreenstemming tussen hulle ontwikkelinge en posisies gevind, en ook dat, alhoewel met 'n historiese 'time lag', COSATU die pad van strukturele ontwikkelings van sy eweknie in Duitsland, die Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), volg. Miskien die mees belangrikste bevinding en gevolgtrekking is dat, terwyl die aanpassing van die Duitse vakbondbeweging binne die land sy industriele oorgangsfase, en besonders in die periode van die herenigingsproses van Oos en Wes Duitsland, en dus die inlywing van 'n sosialistiese sisteem in 'n sosiale markekonomie en sosiale demokrasie op 'n relatiewe, realistiese basis bewerkstellig was, wat in 'n hoe mate van samewerking tussen die sosiale venote op die hoogste vlak bewerkstellig het, wat na die stadium van 'post modern unionism' voer, Suid Afrika in sy teenwoordige industriele oorgangsfase nog steeds aan die probleem van sterk ideologies gedrewe 'fighting unions' bloot gestel is, wat 'n effektiewe proses van ekonomiese beleidsformulering mag benadeel.

M.Com. (Economics) / Inflation is the continuous, meaningful increase in the price level of an economic system. A distinction can be drawn between demand-pull factors (where demand exceeds the supply) and cost-push factors (prices are pushed higher by an increase in wages or input prices) as causes of inflation. Cost-push inflation is the result of the exercising of bargaining power by certain groups, e.g. trade unions. Prices can escalate as a result of competition between trade unions and firms for higher wages or competition between trade unions for a bigger portion of the national income. The aim of trade unions is to maintain the standard of living of their members, whose only source of income is the sale of their labour. Trade unions have a number of mechanisms, e.g. strikes and the withdrawal of co-operation, by means of which they can force an employer to meet their demands. Trade unions usually bargain collectively with employers regarding their wage demands. There are great differences of opinion among economists whether trade unions are the cause of inflation or whether they only contribute to inflation. Trade unions grouped themselves in organisations to look after the concerns of their members while employers have also grouped themselves in organisations. The government also plays an important role in the labour market, especially because' of the payment of unemployment benefits. Trade unions can contribute to inflation because wage increases are declared nationally, trade unions refuse to· accept any cuts in wages, contracts between employers and employees make provision for increases in salaries and also include a stipulation regarding cost of living adjustments. Trade unions can increase wage demands by being more militant, the spillover effect and wage imitation. The first white trade unions were established in the second half of the previous century and black trade unions in the early 1900' s. The numbers of especially the black trade unions increased considerably during the seventies and eighties, to such a degree that black trade unions have almost 3 million members and consist of 23,9 percent of the total economically active population. As a result of their great numbers, strikes have also shown an escalating tendency (there were 908 strikes per year during the period 1987 to 1992). The annual average inflation rate in South Africa reached double figures in 1974 and has not moved back to single figures since. If wage demands since 1985 are compared to this, the wage demands from 1987 to 1991 were higher each year than the inflation rate. Trade unions definitely have an influence on wages as the increase in minimum wages of unskilled labourers were mostly higher than. that of skilled workers. The increase in productivity has however, not kept up to date with the increase in wage rates.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree ot Master of Arts in Industrial Social Work by course work, 1998 / This study explored the effects of perceived trade union social support on the work stress of blue collar workers. It was hypothesised that blue collar workers who obtain social support from their trade union would experience the least stress. This study is a comparative qualitative study. The sample involved 60 blue collar workers in a Telkom workshop. The role orientation questionnaire was used to test their stress levels and thereafter the trade union social support scale was used to test their levels of perceived trade union social support study revealed that blue collar workers are indeed exposed to stress, however, those that perceived the trade union as giving them social support, experienced the least stress. On the basis of the findings it is recommended that occupational social workers intervene on micro, meso and macro levels in order to help in alleviating the stress levels of blue collar workers. / AC2017

The aim of the thesis is to identify the pressures that contributed to the rise in international labour migration in Lesotho, and to investigate how these pressures are impacting upon the modernization process in the country, particularly at a time when employment opportunities are scarce in the southern African region. International labour migration has been used as a development tool throughout history, but especially in the 20th century by developing countries with dual labour markets. Newly independent developing countries with dual labour markets adapted the strategy of import substitution industrialization (lSI), with an emphasis on protecting infant industries and promoting pro-labour policies. In the post-colonial period the international demand for lowskilled workers rose, particularly in the North (developed countries), and in mineral rich countries including the oil exporters and South Africa, and the newly industrialising countries in East Asia. International labour migration to these countries was adapted as an integral development tool by the governments of the lSI countries. Most migrants were low-skilled and temporary workers in the destination countries. Although no multilateral institutional framework existed, usually both the sending and receiving countries adapted unilateral and bilateral migration policies to guarantee the gains from migration. Workers were thus "protected" to varying degrees under such agreements. From the 1970s, the North experienced a slowdown in the growth in demand for unskilled workers. In the 1980s, many lSI countries experienced devastating economic crises that forced them to abandon the lSI policy and adapt the export-led industrialisation (EOI) policy with an emphasis on trade liberalization. The switch from lSI to EOI in developing countries with dual labour markets led to the downsizing of public sector employment, the removal of marketing boards formally used by small-scale agricultural farmers, and the expansion of export processing zones (EPZs). These outcomes resulted in a rise in push internal migration, and international migration from these countries especially to other developing countries. At the same time, since the late 1980s, capital has acquired greatly enhanced mobility at the global level. The adaptation of EOI and the full mobility of capital at the global level altered the institutional structure within which labour migration was governed both nationally, and internationally. At the national level stricter unilateral policies were reinforced by receiving countries for low-skilled labour, while less strict policies applied for skilled labour. These remain in operation in conjunction with the earlier bilateral agreements. At the international level, there remains a lack of policy to regulate international labour migration. Under the current enhanced mobility of capital, international migrants are thus left vulnerable. Lesotho fits this pattern. Faced with a dual economy and an abundance of semi-skilled labour, Lesotho has been a principal supplier of labour to the South Africa's mining industry since its independence. Lesotho's industrial diversification thus mirrors South Africa's industrial diversification. In the lSI phase (1968 - 1987), international labour migration became the most important tool of economic welfare generation in Lesotho. Bilateral agreements were signed in the early 1970s between Lesotho and South Africa to guarantee the gains from migration. Since the late I980s, the mining industry in South Africa began to downsize production and employment. Fewer novice miners from Lesotho were recruited to work in South Africa. The adaptation of the EOI policy in Lesotho in 1987 introduced EPZ industrialization and trade liberalization. Nevertheless, the retrenchment of mine workers from South Africa is occurring at a time when Lesotho is experiencing an employment crisis. The political independence of South Africa in 1994 was accompanied by stricter international migration policies by the new democratic government of South Africa. Most migrant workers in South Africa are thus now faced with a two-door policy (of the earlier bilateral agreements and the amendments to the Aliens Control Act). This system has left migrant workers vulnerable to exploitation by both employers and the law (police) in South Africa. Nevertheless, international migration from Lesotho to South Africa continues to expand, particularly of the new type of migration - semiskilled female workers in the services sector. At the same time, South Africa is also experiencing an employment crisis. The most important policy implications are, firstly, that migration is subject to the same "casualisation" as other work, with the effects made worse by the "statelessness" of migrants, who are most vulnerable to exploitation. Secondly, multilateralism is needed (e.g., SADC) and holistic, multilateral policies are required. It is clear that under the new global division of labour ad hoc policy towards international labour migration is ineffective.

This thesis examines the emergence and development of the African working class in Durban between 1959 and 1985. It begins with an analysis of Durban's economy, which significantly changed .the lives of Africans. It shows how, during an era of economic boom, of intensive state repres•ion and unparalleled social engineering, the state intervened in the shaping of the African community and created the oppressive setting of the African working class, which was to pose the greatest challenge to the established order. The forced removals of the underclasses to the newly established apartheid townships during the late 1950s and early 1960s had a profound influence on the social and political history of this working class. Once African trade unions had been crippled and formal oppositional politics crushed, South African industrial relations enjoyed relative "peace" which was disturbed by the covert forms of worker resistance. In the 1970s the economic position of Durban's African working class was rather tenuous, as earnings had remained static since the 1960s despite the booming economy. Because of this, urban workers felt social and economic pressures from both apartheid and capitalism and responded in a way that shocked both employers and the government. In January 1973 Durban was rocked by strikes, which broke the silence of the 1960s when the South African Congress of Trade Unions declined and the African National Congress and Pan-African Congress were banned. The outbreak of the 1973 Durban strikes marked a new beginning in the labour history and industrial relations of Durban and South Africa in general. A new blend of African independent trade unions emerged with their distinctive style of organisation. They focused on factory-based issues which reaped benefits for the workers in the long-run and managed to sustain pressure from both the state and employers. During this period, however, the African working class paid a high price, enduring miserable conditions, earning wages below the poverty line, experiencing a breakdown in family structure, and living with crime and violence, police repression and the criminalisation of much social and economic life. By 1985, these unions had established themselves so firmly that the state regarded them as a serious challenge. Indeed, the making of Durban's African working class was no easy task and its history shows suffering, change, mobility and accomplishment. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

D. Litt. et Phil. / The white paper on privatisation and deregulation in the Republic of South Africa, was tabled in 1987. This paper outlined a policy for the possible privatisation of state-owned enterprise. Generally this step was favourably met by "Big Business" and a number of political players, but rejected and resisted by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). This phenomena led to the central assumption of this study. It was assumed that the rejection of privatisation (or manifestations thereof, such as commercialisation) by COSATU, would not necessarily be indicative of the cognitions and attitudes which labour union employee members, hold of privatisation/commercialisation. The purpose of this study was to explore this assumption. This assumption was to be researched among a sample of official members of the South African Railway and Harbours Workers Union (SARHWU); an affiliate of COSATU. A further purpose was to explore the influence which an official communication action, (aimed at the employees of a commercialised parastatal), may have had on the cognition and attitude of the sample. The aim was to draw from these findings to formulate directives for the internal strategic communication management of commercialisation to black SARHWU members. To achieve this purpose, the concept privatisation and commercialisation were conceptualised, and fundamental differences between the two concepts highlighted. An extensive "theoretical study was undertaken to identify the communication principles on which the communication of innovation (change) are based. The concepts of privatisation/commercialisation and the principles of the communication of innovation, were integrated into a framework for the formulation of a communication strategy and strategic communication plan for commercialisation.