The inauguration of Nelson Mandela as President of South Africa after the first-ever democratic elections, in many ways marked the end of official apartheid and the beginning of new times in the country's history. For the labour movement it became imperative to entrench its position during this period of transition, even under an ANC led government. Despite securing a relatively labour-friendly macro-economic policy early on in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the next few years were to see a more pronounced decline in the influence of labour in the South African political economy. The marginalisation of labour did not, however, result in an absolute dismissal of labour's concerns, but saw a particularly narrow conception of "labour relations" being articulated, characteristic in government priority support of business elements over transformatory ideals. This paper explores the pressures and strains for labour under the new democratic dispensation by specifically examining the factors that bring about the emasculation of labour. The decline of labour is examined in three levels. Characteristic in all three levels is the hegemony of neo-liberalism that manifest in the international political economy, the South African, as well as workplace specific contexts. Firstly, the hegemony of neo-liberalism globally is examined. Individual states under pressure from the prevailing international system pressure states to adopt increasing economic liberalisation. The implications of the neo-liberal hegemony on the trade union movement globally are also considered. Secondly, the domestic variables that account for the decline in labour are considered. This is largely the domain of the institutional, policy, organisational and ideological shift in "labour relations" in South Africa. Thirdly, changes at the level of the workplace as a result of neo-liberal iii ascendancy are examined. The revival of a much more progressive labour movement, it is argued, has to consider the nature of all these limiting factors, and recast itself into a much more "flexible" trade unionism. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

Amid the immense changes in the 21st century world of work, has come with it widely held views that significant changes are occurring in employee attitudes to labour relations. Research asserts that the prevalence of individualistic human resource management strategies has initiated argument postulating that employees‟ collectivist work orientations are in decline (Deery & Walsh, 1999). / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2010.

In April 1919, the Trades and Labour Council of Limerick County, Ireland, declared a general strike in response to the increasingly militarised policing of the region by the British authorities. A Strike Committee, consisting of local activists, assumed governance of Limerick for two weeks. While various attempts have been made to uncover this largely forgotten chapter of Irish history, the voices and perspectives of workers who initiated and sustained the general strike remain largely absent from the historical record. Therefore, this thesis utilises newspapers and documents produced by local activists in order to assess workers’ motivations for embracing direct action and participating in this radical act of protest. Firstly, I will discuss how the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union (ITGWU) capitalised on the perceived shortcomings of craft unions and parliamentary strategies by offering a more self-sufficient model of labour activism. Additionally, I will challenge the notion that direct action in Limerick was a fundamentally ‘pragmatic’ endeavour by exploring various ideological currents which inspired workers to participate in the general strike. The Limerick Soviet was not only conceived as a response to specific grievances but was framed by some participants as an act of defiance against both capitalism and British colonialism. Consequently, this thesis will examine how global anti-colonialist and anti-capitalist ideologies and movements influenced the political climate of Limerick between 1916 and 1920. This thesis will also demonstrate the capacity of local activists to adapt and amend ideologies they encountered in order to suit the particularities of the local economic and political climate.

Yes / This article revisits the concept of union effectiveness and proposes a conceptual model to inform its study and application. Previous conceptual and empirical work is examined to identify key strengths and weaknesses, and to relate the union effectiveness concept to union renewal and other key concepts. This leads to the proposal of a Goal-System framework that builds and improves on prior research.

Huseby bruk was a large isolated industry that bloomed during the 19th century and was located in the county of Småland, Sweden. It was a large industry focused on many different areas and in large it was self-sufficient. Like many other industries at the time Huseby bruk was lead by a patriarchal leader named Joseph Stephens who died in 1934. At this time many Swedish industries were in decline due to modernization and labour unions on the rise. The first local union on Huseby bruk officially started in 1947. After Joseph Stephens death the oldest daughter Florence Stephens took over the industry and lead it until 1957. The main focus of this study has been to look at the relations between the local labour unions and the managing directors during the period 1947-1957. Further the study has aimed to look at how conflicts between the unions and the managers were handled and if the unions were conscious of the downturn period that the industry was experiencing. Finally the study has looked at how the local labour unions interacted with other unions. The results of the study has shown that the patriarchal relations between worker and manager had ceased to exist. Instead the workers depended more upon the larger unions. The conflicts had an hierarchic order where the local union first tried to solve the conflict themselves before seeking help from larger unions. The local unions were conscious of the downturn period from which I have drawn the conclusion that the unions had a increased understanding for the conflicts they had with Huseby bruk.

After SACCOLA's expulsion from the International Organization of Employers in 1983 the committee decided to explore areas of domestic activity consistent with its objectives of discussing employer views on labour affairs, and representing these views where agreement amongst employers existed. As the National Manpower Commission had shortly afterwards published a lengthy report dealing, inter alia, with the role of the Industrial Court and the definition of the unfair labour practice concept, SACCOLA set up a working party to see if employer consensus could be achieved on these issues. SACCOLA succeeded in agreeing a 18 page document, which was submitted to the Department of Manpower on 28 August 1984. This was subsequently acknowledged by the Director General of Manpower to have been one of the most comprehensive reactions to this report. In his reaction to the report, however, Dr Van der Merwe noted that legislative change would be greatly facilitated by labour/employer agreement, and he therefore suggested that SACCOLA should discuss its proposals with union federations.

Thesis (Ph.D. (Industrial Psychology)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2008.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal (in conjunction with Albert-Ludwigs-Universität), 2005.

No abstract available. / Thesis (MBA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2005.

Thesis (Ph.D. (Industrial Psychology)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2008.