Detta är en diskursanalytisk uppsats om hur vissa aktörer på den svenska arbetsmarknaden talar om bemanningsbranschen och deras anställda. För att få en uppfattning av det har vi behövt kartlägga vilka diskurser som existerar och hur de uttalanden vi hittat beskriver båda subjekten. Vi har utgått från Ernesto Laclau och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori men har också tagit inspiration från Norman Faircloughs analysmetod. Aktörerna vi har granskat har varit arbetstagarorganisationerna Handelsanställdas förbund och Svenska kommunalarbetareförbundet samt arbetsgivarorganisationen Kompetensföretagen. Vi har använt oss av rapporter som vi funnit på respektive aktörs hemsida, rapporter som ska vara representativa för aktuella debatter. Vårt huvudsakliga resultat är ett kartläggande av två huvuddiskurser, Regleringsdiskursen och Möjlighetsdiskursen. Dessa bygger till stor del på interdiskursiva blandningar av redan starkt etablerade diskurser på arbetsmarknaden eller i samhället. Resultatet är en av många möjliga tolkningar av hur branschen och deras anställda beskrivs utifrån respektive sida. Vi har presenterat tydliga bilder för att ge en generell bild av vilka åsikter som florerar på arbetsmarknaden. Vi hoppas att våra resultat kan vara en grund för kommande forskning. / This paper is a discourse analytical paper regarding how some participants on the Swedish labour market talk about the staffing industry and their employees. To gain a perception of this we have been required to map which discourses that exist and how the statements we have found establish both of our subjects. We have used Ernesto Laclaus and Chantal Mouffes discourse theory as basis but have also taken insights from Norman Faircloughs analytical method. The participants we have studied are the labour union organizations Handelsanställdas förbund and Svenska kommunalarbetareförbundet as well as the employer organization Kompetensföretagen. We have used reports that we have found from each participants website, reports that are meant to represent current debates. Our primary conclusion is a mapping of two main discourses, the Regulation discourse and the Possibility discourse. These are interdiscursive products of already established discourses on the labour market or in society. The result is one of many possible interpretations of how the industry and their employees are described by each participant. We have presented clear pictures to give a general understanding of which views are present on the labour market. We hope that our result can contribute to future research.

From the Polanyian perspective on the double movement of labour commodification and self-protection of Society, the aim of this study was to examine how unionists perceive and problematise precarious employment and what are their practices for unionising and thereby securing precarious workers. A double case study was conducted in the hotel-restaurant and construction sectors in Sweden with the participation of blue-collar unionists with diverse backgrounds and experiences. The results show that precarious work is associated with labour market segmentation, subcontracting and fragmentation of economic organisations, deskilling of work, loss of autonomy and sometimes over-qualification of workers. Perceived difficulties for unionisation are fear, lack of knowledge of precarious workers about their rights, membership cost, status frustration and lack of interactions with other workers. Reported practices for unionising precarious workers consist of dealing with these barriers in order to build trustful relations and empowering workers through education and inclusion in leadership positions. Actions taken to protect and secure precarious workers are strongly interlinked with their unionisation and seem to rest mainly on negotiations. The main conclusions of the study are that precarious work means a loss of control by workers over their work life stemming from labour commodification and flexibilisation due to increased management control and lack of rights and protections surrounding work. The formation of solidarities needed for unionisation is hindered by the detachment of precarious workers from the work community and by inequality regimes. The domination of fear manifests the prevalence of emotions. Therefore, the care and emotional work of unionists is essential for making workers feel confidence. Unions practices tend to lean also, to some extent, towards organising and community building models. Thereby, union agency appears to be able to engage in an interplay with structures to exert some influence on employment and industrial relations.

Alors que le vote connaît un poids symbolique croissant dans le système français de relations professionnelles, notamment depuis la réforme de la représentativité syndicale de 2008, la science politique et la sociologie des relations professionnelles ne se sont que très marginalement intéressées à la pratique électorale dans le champ professionnel. Au croisement de ces deux disciplines, ce travail de thèse a pour ambition, en s'appuyant sur les modèles explicatifs du vote proposés par la sociologie électorale, de restituer les logiques individuelles, contextuelles et environnementales de la mobilisation et du choix électoral des salariés lors des scrutins professionnels.Pour ce faire, notre travail, qui se concentre sur les salariés du secteur privé, mobilise et croise des matériaux quantitatifs et, dans une moindre mesure, qualitatifs, collectés à plusieurs niveaux : la base de données électorales MARS (Mesure d'audience pour le calcul de la représentativité syndicale), les données des enquêtes REPONSE (Relations professionnelles et négociations d'entreprise) et SRCV (Statistiques sur les ressources et conditions de vie) ainsi qu'une enquête par questionnaire réalisée auprès d'agents de Pôle Emploi.A la lumière de ces matériaux, il apparaît que les comportements électoraux des salariés aux scrutins professionnels, loin d'être inexplicables, dépendent de logiques sociales. Toutefois, si les modèles proposés par la sociologie électorale s'avèrent relativement pertinents, il apparaît nécessaire de les adapter aux spécificités du champ professionnel. Ainsi, à l'image de ce qu'observe Daniel Gaxie dans le champ politique, un « cens caché » de la « démocratie sociale » apparaît. Mais les barrières invisibles mises en évidence sont bien plus liées aux conditions et aux contextes de travail des salariés qu'au capital scolaire dont ils disposent : ce sont les salariés les plus précaires, les moins intégrés professionnellement, les plus jeunes ou encore les salariés des petites entreprises qui sont à la fois moins confrontés au vote et qui, lorsqu'ils peuvent effectivement voter, s'abstiennent significativement plus. De la même manière, si la mobilisation et le choix électoral des salariés dépendent des contextes dans lesquels leurs votes sont produits, ce sont les interactions nouées dans le travail, entre les salariés et leurs représentants ou entre les salariés eux-mêmes, qui sont déterminantes.Mettre ainsi au jour les ressorts des votes des salariés aux scrutins professionnels permet de contribuer non seulement à l'étude des relations professionnelles, mais aussi aux discussions autour des modèles explicatifs du vote en sociologie électorale, d'autant plus que la participation aux scrutins politiques et la participation aux scrutins professionnels s'articulent fortement. / While the vote has a growing symbolic weight in the French system of industrial relations, especially since the reform of union representativeness in 2008, political science as well as industrial relations and labour studies have shown only marginal interest for electoral practices in the professional field. At the crossroads of these two disciplines, this thesis aims to render the individual, contextual and environmental logics of electoral mobilization and choice during workplace elections, building on the explanatory models of voting proposed by electoral political sociology.To this end, our thesis, which focuses on private sector employees in France, mobilizes and combines quantitative and, to a lesser extent, qualitative materials, collected at several levels: the MARS electoral database (Audience Measurement for the Calculation of Union Representativeness), the data from the REPONSE surveys (Industrial Relations and Company Negotiations) and from the 2010 SRCV survey (Statistics on Incomes and Living Conditions) as well as a questionnaire survey carried out among Pôle Emploi employees.In light of these materials, it appears that the workers’ electoral behaviour in professional elections, far from being inexplicable, depends on social logics. However, if the models proposed by electoral sociology prove relatively relevant, it appears necessary to adapt them to the specificities of the professional field. Thus, in the same way as Daniel Gaxie observed for the political field, there appears to be a "hidden census" in "industrial democracy". But the highlighted invisible barriers are much more related to the employees’ working conditions and contexts than to their educational capital: those who are both less likely to face workplace polls and, when they can actually vote, significantly more likely to abstain, are the most precarious employees, the least professionally integrated, the youngest as well as those employed in the smallest businesses. Similarly, if the employees’ electoral mobilization and choices depend on the contexts in which their votes are produced, what is decisive are the interactions in the workplace between the employees and their representatives or between the employees themselves.To reveal the reasons for employees' votes in professional polls helps to contribute, not only to the study of industrial relations, but also to the discussion on the explanatory models of voting in electoral sociology, especially since participations at political and workplace elections are closely linked.

La Seconde Guerre mondiale a profondément perturbé les sociétés européennes. À son issue, le champ est laissé libre à des dynamiques de recomposition passant par des rapprochements ou, au contraire, par des clivages puissants. Les populations françaises et allemandes ont été affectées au premier chef par ces évolutions. Or, comme les organisations syndicales de travailleurs constituent les principales organisations de masses, elles offrent un angle d’approche particulièrement intéressant pour appréhender le dialogue développé dans un contexte marqué par la partition de l’Allemagne, par la Guerre Froide, et par la construction européenne dont l’interpénétration des économies est un des principaux aspects. Cette thèse considère, à la croisée de la question de la réconciliation et de celle d’une coopération à venir, la mise en place des échanges syndicaux entre la France et les deux Allemagnes, examine la pratique des échanges et éclaire les phénomènes de convergence et de crispation. / The Second World War profoundly disrupted European societies. When the war came to an end, a dynamic of recomposition, based either on reconciliation or on sharp divisions, took hold of the continent. The French and German populations were the first to bear the brunt of these evolutions. Because of their numerous adherents, trade unions constituted the most important mass organizations of their time, and consequently offer a particularly interesting perspective on the Franco-German dialogue, especially against the backdrop of the division of Germany into two states, the Cold War, and the construction of Europe, of which economic interpenetration was a main aspect. This thesis considers, at the crossroads of a process of reconciliation and of future cooperation, the establishment and structuring of trade unions exchanges between France and Germany, examines exchange practices, and highlights adjoining convergence and tension phenomena.

Cette thèse étudie les relations entre le champ syndical et le champ politique en Turquie sous le gouvernement du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) de 2002 à 2015. Cette recherche s'appuie principalement sur un travail de terrain qui comprend des observations et une centaine d'entretiens semi-directifs dans les trois confédérations ouvrières syndicales (DİSK, Hak-İş, Türk-İş). Le terrain a été mené entre décembre 2011 et avril 2014. Sous le gouvernement AKP, une mise en cohérence entre le champ syndical et le champ politique s'effectue par le biais des transferts entre les deux champs. Les dynamiques partisanes entre les syndicats et les mouvances politiques donnent à voir des affinités entre les deux champs. L'intervention du gouvernement AKP, donc l'action étatique, renforce et accélère les transferts et transforme le champ syndical. Ainsi, les syndicats proches des réseaux AKP deviennent dominants dans le champ syndical. L'équilibre entre les organisations syndicales est modifié. Être pour ou contre le gouvernement AKP devient l'axe principal de la concurrence syndicale. Les dynamiques infra-confédérales, locales (sectorielles et territoriales), voire internationales, suscitent une pluralité des configurations partisanes et syndicales. / This thesis studies the relationship between the trade union field and the political field in Turkey under the government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) from 2002 to 2015. Joining the discussion around Pierre Bourdieu's field theory, it aims to understand how homologies between social fields are constructed and how fields are becoming autonomous. This research is primarily based on fieldwork that involves observation and nearly a hundred semi-structured interviews in the three labour union confederations (DİSK, Hak-İş, Türk-İş), conducted between December 2011 and April 2014. Under the AKP government, the transfers and alliances between trade unions and political parties enable their coherence. The intervention of the AKP government reinforces and accelerates these transfers, and transforms the trade union field. Thus, the correspondent of the dominant actor in the political field becomes the dominant actor in the trade union field. The influence of political cleavages on trade union strategies increases. Being for or against the AKP government becomes the main axis of union competition. These homologies do not yet happen in the same way at all scales. The local (sectorial and territorial), and even international dynamics generate a plurality of configurations. Autonomous spaces for resistance for trade unions emerge at the local level. / Bu çalışmada Türkiye’de 2002-2015 yılları arasındaki AKP hükümetleri döneminde sendikal alanve siyasal alan arasındaki ilişkiler incelenmiştir. Pierre Bourdieu’nün alan teorisi etrafında, alanlararasındaki benzerliklerin nasıl oluştuğu ve alanların nasıl özerkleştiği açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır.Araştırma, 2011 Aralık ve 2014 Nisan tarihleri arasında üç işçi sendikası konfederasyonunda(DİSK, Hak-İş, Türk-İş) gerçekleştirilen gözlem ve yüze yakın yarı yapılandırılmış derinlemesinegörüşmelerden oluşan saha çalışmasına dayanmaktadır. AKP döneminde sendikal alan ve siyasalalan birbirine benzeşmeye başlamıştır. Sendika ve siyasi gruplar arasında var olan yakınlaşmalariki alan arasında çeşitli kaynak alışverişleri ortaya çıkarmaktadır. AKP hükümetinin sendikalişleyiş üzerindeki müdahalesi, devlet eliyle, bu süreci hızlandırarak sendikal alanıdönüştürmektedir. Siyasal ayrışmaların sendikal stratejiler üzerindeki etkisi artmakta, sendikal alankutuplaşmaktadır. Siyasal alandaki hakim aktörün sendikacılıktaki karşılığı kendi alanının hakimaktörü haline gelmektedir. AKP hükümetine karşı olmak veya olmamak sendikal rekabetinbelirleyici ekseni olmaktadır. Ancak bu homolojilerin sendikal örgütlenmenin her seviyesinde aynışekilde yeniden üretildiği de söylenemez. Yerel (sendikal/işkolu ve bölgesel), hatta uluslararasıölçekte, farklı sendika-siyaset ilişkileri ortaya çıkmakta, sendikalar için yerel ölçekte özerkleşmeve direniş alanları gözlemlenmektedir.

The struggle reaches back to the days of the first white settlement in our country. In this chapter we will look at some of these traditions of our struggle. We will learn more about the people who were in South Africa when the settlers came, and how they fought bravely to live in peace on their land. We will also read about the many changes that happened, particularly after diamonds and gold were discovered and how people continued to struggle against the new conditions that made their lives even harder. / “We call the farmers of the reserves and trust lands. Let us speak of the wide land, and the narrow strips on which we toil. Let us speak of brothers without land, and of children without schooling. Let us speak of taxes and of cattle, and of famine. LET US SPEAK OF FREEDOM.”

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1991.

The South African gold mining industry has since its inception, relied on an authoritarian and paternalistic form of labour control. This inheritance is due to a number of reasons; the nature of the process of gold mining itself, the reliance on migrant labour, the poor levels of education of workers in the industry, the regulation of workers' lives in hostels as well as the attitudes of white supervisors towards the control of labour - an inheritance from the British system, which tends to view hierarchies as rigid and highly stratified. The particular kind of paternalism found in gold mining has however, evolved over a time frame spanning this century, and has been subject to modification and external influence, particularly from managerial theories borrowed from Western , Europe and the United states. Thus, scientific management made its presence felt in the first half of this century, whilst more recently, the need to transfer new and upgraded technology has drawn on the sociotechnical tradition. The human relation movement, also a more recent phenomenon, has grown in direct response to the increasing levels of conflict on gold mines between management and labour. " At present the industry is undergoing a crisis in the form of a depressed gold price (necessitating reduction in the labour force), poor levels of productivity and an increasing challenge to management hegemony in the growth of a mass based trade union - the National Union of Mine Workers. It will be argued that these factors have necessitated that management in the industry ' search for new and more appropriate methods for the co-ordination and control of labour, and that the form that this has taken is towards more worker participation in decision-making. Participation on gold mines is developing in a number of areas; with consultative councils, with increasing consultation with the unions, in particular the N.U.M., in productivity drives such as the quality circles movement, and more recently in employee share ownership schemes (E.S.O.P.S.). All of the above approaches are attempts by senior management to incorporate labour more into the management process, and thus try to reduce the level of polarisation between labour and capital, which has gained in intensity in the industry over the past decade. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1992.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1997.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.Dev.Studies)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.