The process of going from relatively established democracies to not being classified as such in Hungary in Türkiye during the time of their leaders, Orban and Erdogan, in the executive branch of government is an interesting one. The research question “How have Erdogan and Orban´s parties been eroding democratic values with their policies since the leaders came into executive power in Türkiye and Hungary?” will work as the main guideline for the thesis. In addition, the purpose of researching the two states and leaders based on their governmental policies will give a clear understanding of how the thesis will be written.Using the strongmen theory as a theoretical framework will contribute to the understanding of how democracy has been eroded in the countries based on for example the strongman leadership style. The methodology being used will be two separate idea and ideology analyses and two separate case studies. That methodology will contribute to getting a deep and nuanced understanding of how the political leaders and their parties have eroded democracy.

This paper sought to analyse which underlying motives impacted the stances and policies taken by Greece and Türkiye regarding their disputed maritime border. The maritime border consists of two distinct areas, the Aegean Sea, and the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. The analysis chose to study the two areas separately since there are differences between them. The study was conducted through the lens of Morgan and Palmer’s general theory of foreign policy, in which a state either acts reactively to preserve the current situation, or proactively to try and change it. The result of the study shows that both states acted because of security related, economic, and hegemonic motivations as well as to protect their sovereignty and national rights. Security concerns played a significant role in the dispute, as both states deemed the other to be a threat. Because of this, both Greece and Türkiyeacted reactively against each other. At the same time, Türkiye was also found to be more likely to act proactively compared to Greece who often either acted in response to Türkiye or indirectly through its allies such as the EU or Egypt.

Cette thèse étudie les relations entre le champ syndical et le champ politique en Turquie sous le gouvernement du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) de 2002 à 2015. Cette recherche s'appuie principalement sur un travail de terrain qui comprend des observations et une centaine d'entretiens semi-directifs dans les trois confédérations ouvrières syndicales (DİSK, Hak-İş, Türk-İş). Le terrain a été mené entre décembre 2011 et avril 2014. Sous le gouvernement AKP, une mise en cohérence entre le champ syndical et le champ politique s'effectue par le biais des transferts entre les deux champs. Les dynamiques partisanes entre les syndicats et les mouvances politiques donnent à voir des affinités entre les deux champs. L'intervention du gouvernement AKP, donc l'action étatique, renforce et accélère les transferts et transforme le champ syndical. Ainsi, les syndicats proches des réseaux AKP deviennent dominants dans le champ syndical. L'équilibre entre les organisations syndicales est modifié. Être pour ou contre le gouvernement AKP devient l'axe principal de la concurrence syndicale. Les dynamiques infra-confédérales, locales (sectorielles et territoriales), voire internationales, suscitent une pluralité des configurations partisanes et syndicales. / This thesis studies the relationship between the trade union field and the political field in Turkey under the government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) from 2002 to 2015. Joining the discussion around Pierre Bourdieu's field theory, it aims to understand how homologies between social fields are constructed and how fields are becoming autonomous. This research is primarily based on fieldwork that involves observation and nearly a hundred semi-structured interviews in the three labour union confederations (DİSK, Hak-İş, Türk-İş), conducted between December 2011 and April 2014. Under the AKP government, the transfers and alliances between trade unions and political parties enable their coherence. The intervention of the AKP government reinforces and accelerates these transfers, and transforms the trade union field. Thus, the correspondent of the dominant actor in the political field becomes the dominant actor in the trade union field. The influence of political cleavages on trade union strategies increases. Being for or against the AKP government becomes the main axis of union competition. These homologies do not yet happen in the same way at all scales. The local (sectorial and territorial), and even international dynamics generate a plurality of configurations. Autonomous spaces for resistance for trade unions emerge at the local level. / Bu çalışmada Türkiye’de 2002-2015 yılları arasındaki AKP hükümetleri döneminde sendikal alanve siyasal alan arasındaki ilişkiler incelenmiştir. Pierre Bourdieu’nün alan teorisi etrafında, alanlararasındaki benzerliklerin nasıl oluştuğu ve alanların nasıl özerkleştiği açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır.Araştırma, 2011 Aralık ve 2014 Nisan tarihleri arasında üç işçi sendikası konfederasyonunda(DİSK, Hak-İş, Türk-İş) gerçekleştirilen gözlem ve yüze yakın yarı yapılandırılmış derinlemesinegörüşmelerden oluşan saha çalışmasına dayanmaktadır. AKP döneminde sendikal alan ve siyasalalan birbirine benzeşmeye başlamıştır. Sendika ve siyasi gruplar arasında var olan yakınlaşmalariki alan arasında çeşitli kaynak alışverişleri ortaya çıkarmaktadır. AKP hükümetinin sendikalişleyiş üzerindeki müdahalesi, devlet eliyle, bu süreci hızlandırarak sendikal alanıdönüştürmektedir. Siyasal ayrışmaların sendikal stratejiler üzerindeki etkisi artmakta, sendikal alankutuplaşmaktadır. Siyasal alandaki hakim aktörün sendikacılıktaki karşılığı kendi alanının hakimaktörü haline gelmektedir. AKP hükümetine karşı olmak veya olmamak sendikal rekabetinbelirleyici ekseni olmaktadır. Ancak bu homolojilerin sendikal örgütlenmenin her seviyesinde aynışekilde yeniden üretildiği de söylenemez. Yerel (sendikal/işkolu ve bölgesel), hatta uluslararasıölçekte, farklı sendika-siyaset ilişkileri ortaya çıkmakta, sendikalar için yerel ölçekte özerkleşmeve direniş alanları gözlemlenmektedir.

This thesis is an ethnographic research of the cultural heritage conservation practices in İzmir, focusing particularly on the heritage site Historical Port City of İzmir’s conservation on individual, local, and global levels from an anthropological point of view. With its ongoing inscription process to UNESCO’s World Heritage List, the study aims, first, to understand the motivation behind this inscription, the current conservation practices in the city that are undergone by individual and local actors, and to analyze the impact and connection between the individual, local and global efforts to protect İzmir’s multicultural and multilayered heritage. Conducted during the 10-day long World Heritage Volunteers program “Heritage for the Future in the Historical Port City of İzmir” organized by the UNESCO World Heritage Education Program and Site Directorate of the Historical Port City of İzmir, the research employs the anthropological methods of participant observation, structured interviews, netnography, as well as multi-sensory ethnography. The study shows that the site’s WHL inscription is motivated by the desire to enhance the city’s further protection on different levels such as raising awareness, receiving financial help, and increasing its visibility to attract local, national, and international visitors and users. The same approach has also been observed within the current conservation practices conducted by local actors to preserve the multicultural values of the city and conserve its 8500 years of multilayered fabric that carries traces of Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, Beylic, Ottoman, and Republican periods, stretching up to today. This short-term ethnographic research concludes that heritage conservation is a multi-level process where every level (individual, local, and global) and actor has an important role in the protection of the site’s integrity and the transmission of its values to future generations. Focusing on the current anthropological theories and studies on heritage and UNESCO, this case study of the Historical Port City of İzmir reflects that statement and points not only to the conservation of the city's past heritage but also to the fact that this cannot happen without addressing the city's contemporary needs such as sustainable development, cohesion, and the socio-economic prosperity of the city and its current inhabitants.

How states narrate the world, their own policies and convey their story of events to a growing extent conditions the responses of others and the trajectory of political discussions. While storytelling is increasingly prevalent as a way of exerting influence in the political spheres of today, wider understanding of its practical manifestations is limited to a handful of actors. By applying the theory of strategic narratives to an actor such as Türkiye, this study aims at expanding this knowledge. Examining communication from senior Turkish politicians, a narrative analysis is conducted to closely examine the case of the Turkish narrative portrayal of Sweden within the context of its NATO accession process. This study seeks to explore the strategic and intentional nature of these narrative constructions. Based on the analysis, the conclusion is drawn that Türkiye continuously and persistently utilizes various aspects and elements that are to be understood as of a strategic nature when narrating Sweden in relation to the political affair. In essence, these findings deepen our understanding of strategic communication and storytelling by broadening the spectrum of actors behind them.

The aim of this Thesis is to analyse Türkiye’s progress and setbacks withinits association process and quest for EU membership. By examining Chapter23 in annual reports released by the European Commission for the years2013, 2018 and 2023, the role of the EU as a democracy promoter isdiscussed and questioned. In order to do this, this Thesis basis it’s theoreticalframework around Samuel Huntington’s (1991) theory of democratisation,which is applied and questioned. This Thesis uses a qualitative methoddesign to comprehensively analyse how the European Union (Commission)perceives Türkiye’s progress, and to be able to answer if over the last tenyears even any progress is made.

Après avoir analysé l'influence de la culture éducative turque sur l'enseignement du français en Turquie (2012, J.-C. Beacco), nous en avons conclu que les pratiques éducatives y sont fondées davantage sur la grammaire, ce qui peut s’expliquer par le rattachement à la culture éducative turque. Nous poursuivons nos recherches sur les contextualisations de la description du français dans des grammaires pédagogiques qui sont élaborées par et pour des turcophones (Grammaire et contextualisations- GRAC). Ces grammaires présentant des « contextualisations », s’écartent de celles dites de référence du français pour s’adapter aux cultures éducatives et métalinguistiques des apprenants turcophones. Il est intéressant d’étudier le discours grammatical à partir de plusieurs entrées : les articles avec les changements terminologiques dont ils sont l’objet, le genre avec la création d’une catégorie inexistante en turc et les cas grammaticaux avec la production de règles d’équivalence. Une démarche complémentaire par une cyber-enquête est engagée pour identifier les contextualisations des erreurs de français les plus fréquentes en milieu scolaire et universitaire turcophone. Les données obtenues ont permis de montrer que les discours sont modelés par les cultures éducatives et métalinguistiques. Il serait opportun de faire contribuer ces grammaires « extérieures » du français à une grammaire plus « centrale » du français. / After having studied the impact of educational culture on French teaching (2012, J.-C. Beacco), we concluded that teaching methods applied in Turkey are mostly based on grammar. This tendency reflects the educational culture of this country. The present research focuses on the contextualization of French grammar in reference books which were written by and for Turkish-speaking people (Project of GRAC).French reference books written in Turkey contain a number of “contextualization”, resulting from educational and metalinguistic culture of Turkish students learning French. Therefore, they differed from the French edition of French grammar. For this purpose, the French grammatical discourse was analyzed in many aspects: the articles which cause the change of terms; the gender of nouns which does not exist in Turkish introduces a new grammatical classification and the grammatical cases which result in the creation of equivalent rules. A cyber-survey was prepared to find out the contextualization of the frequent errors in French in high school and university area in Turkey. All the research, showed that these discourses were modulated by the educational and metalinguistic culture. Moreover, we demonstrated that the “off-center” Turkish edition of French grammar books need to be standardized to the “central norm” of the French edition. / Türk eğitim anlayışının Fransızca öğretimine etkisi incelenmiş olup (2012, J.-C. Beacco), Türkiye’de daha çok dil bilgisine dayalı bir öğretim şekli uygulandığı ve bunun da geleneksel eğitim anlayışına bağlı kalmanın bir sonucu olduğu belirlenmiştir. Fransızca dil bilgisinin Türkiye bağlamına uyarlanmış ve Türk yazarlar tarafından Türk okuyucular için kaleme alınan kaynak kitaplar üzerine çalışılmıştır (GRAC Projesi).Türkiye’de yayımlanan Fransızca kaynak kitapları bu “bağlama göre uyarlanmakta”, dolayısıyla bir Fransız yayını Fransızca dil bilgisinden uzaklaşmaktadır: bu kitaplar, Türk öğrencilerin eğitim anlayışları gereği ve dil ötesi nedenlerle farklı algıladıkları “o yabancı dile” uygun olabilmesi için uyarlanmıştır. Bu varsayımdan yola çıkarak, Fransızca dilbilgisel söylem birçok açıdan ele alınmıştır: terim değişikliğine neden olan « article », Türkçede karşılığı olmadığı için yeni bir sınıflandırmaya yol açan isimlerde cinsiyet ve iki dil arası kural denkliğine neden olan ismin halleri. İnternet ortamında yayımlanan bir anket ile Türkiye’de lise ve üniversite düzeyinde sıklıkla yapılan Fransızca yanlışların bu bağlama uyarlanması araştırılmıştır. Tüm bu veriler, bu söylemlerin Türklerin eğitim anlayışı ve dil ötesi algıları ile şekillendiğini göstermiştir. Elde edilen sonuçlar doğrultusunda ise, “merkez dışı” bu kaynak kitapların daha “merkezi” bir Fransız yayın ölçütüne kazandırılması gerekmektedir.

Les rapports entre les deux pays sont l’une des plus longues relations diplomatiques de l’histoire française. C’est avec René Massigli, un personnage diplomatique, que ces relations ont été réanimées. Son court séjour entre 1939-1940, juste avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, témoigne d’une période charnière. Il a été nommé ambassadeur à Ankara, la nouvelle capitale de la Turquie moderne tout juste fondée par Atatürk. La visite officielle de de Gaulle en 1968 représente également une date importante dans les relations des deux pays.Peut-on parler d’un rapprochement stratégique des deux pays pendant la période gaullienne ? Quels étaient les divers facteurs et limites de ce rapprochement ? Peut-on parler de la montée de l’anti-américanisme, à partir du milieu des années 1960, dans les deux pays comme un de ces facteurs de leur rapprochement ? Est-ce que les Etats-Unis avaient un rôle catalyseur dans les relations bilatérales franco-turques ? Que pensait de Gaulle de la Turquie d’Atatürk? Est-ce que les situations respectives de la France et de la Turquie leurs offraient les meilleurs raisons de rapprocher leurs politiques au cours de la période de 1958 à 1969 ? Comment de Gaulle, qui jugeait que le système des blocs hégémonies divisant l’Europe et s’étendant sur l’Orient devait faire place à la détente, l’entente et la coopération internationale, considérait-il la Turquie par rapport à l’Europe ? À travers ces questions, notre problématique se cristallise par : comment la vision gaullienne a-t-elle influencé les rapports franco-turcs ?Le prolongement de cette vision gaullienne jusqu’à nos jours est une des plus importantes conséquences de cette période. « La saison de la Turquie » de 2011 en France à l’initiative du président Chirac, qualifié de vrai gaullien, dont l’objectif était de permettre à la Turquie d’être mieux connue par les Français à travers des événements culturels, économiques et intellectuels sur l’ensemble du pays, témoigne d’un certain effet de cet héritage gaullien dont la vision vis-à-vis de la Turquie était de la rapprocher de l’Europe. Que signifient les autres conséquences de cette vision sur la politique extérieure française et plus spécifiquement sur les relations franco-turques ? / The relationship between France and Turkey are one of the longest diplomatic relations of French and Turkish history. By a diplomatic character, René Massigli, these relationships were revived. His short stay in Ankara between 1939-1940, during the first two years of Second World War, constitutes a transition period. He was appointed ambassador to Ankara, which is the capital of the newly created modern Turkey by Atatürk. Also, the official visit of De Gaulle to Turkey in 1968, is a milestone in the relations between two countries.Can we speak of a rapprochement between the two countries in the de Gaulle era? What is the opinion of De Gaulle on Atatürk's Turkey? Did their respective situations provide them an opportunity to converge their foreign policies in the 1940-1968 period? How did De Gaulle in whose opinion international blocks formed around hegemonies divided Europe and spanned towards the East should give way to détente, understanding and international cooperation see Turkey?The most important issue in this context is that the consequences of this Gaullist vision still survives today. The Season of Turkey in France in 2011, initiated by a decision of President Chirac who has regarded as a true Gaullist, is one of the most tangible results. What other consequences of this vision on the French foreign policy, and especially on the Franco-Turkish relations can be seen today? / Türkiye-Fransa diplomatik ilişkileri, Fransız tarihinin en uzun ilişkileridir. İki ülke arasındaki bu ilişkiler, Diplomatik bir karakter olan René Massigli sayesinde canlanmıştır. Hemen İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesindeki kısa sureli kalışı bu önemli dönemin dönüm noktası olmuştur. Atatürk tarafından kurulan modern Türkiye’nin yeni başkenti Ankara’ya Büyükelçi olarak atanmıştır. Buna benzer şekilde, 1968 yılında General de Gaulle tarafından Türkiye’ye gerçekleştirilen resmi ziyaret de bu ilke ilişkileri açısından bir başka önemli donum noktasıdır.Charles de Gaulle döneminde iki ülkenin stratejik yakınlaşmasından bahsedebilir miyiz? Bu yakınlaşmanın çeşitleri faktörleri ve sınırları nelerdir? 1960li yılların ortasından itibaren her iki ülkede de yükselişe geçen Amerikan karşıtlığı bu stratejik yakınlaşmada bir faktör olabilir mi? Avrupa’yı ikiye bölen ve Doğu’ya da uzanan iki kutuplu dünyanın yerini yumuşama, anlaşma ve uluslararası işbirliğine bırakması gerektiğini düşünen General de Gaulle, Türkiye’nin Avrupalılığı hakkında ne düşünüyordu? Bu sorular ışığında sorunsalımız şu şekilde somutlaşıyor: General de Gaulle’ün dünya görüşü Türkiye-Fransa ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledi?Bu görüşün sonuçlarının günümüze kadar uzanması, General de Gaulle döneminin ve vizyonunun Türkiye Fransa ilişkileri açısından en önemli sonuçlarından birisidir. 2011 yılında, gerçek bir gaullist olarak nitelendirilen Fransa Cumhurbaşkanı Chirac öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen, gerçek amacının Türkiye’nin Fransızlar tarafından kültürel ve ekonomik faaliyetler aracılığı ile daha iyi tanınması olan “Türkiye sezonu”, General de Gaulle’ün günümüze kadar uzanan mirasıdır. Bu vizyonun, Fransız dış politikası ve özellikle Fransa-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerindeki diğer sonuçları ne ifade etmektedir?

This research aims to understand the value assigned to work by information workers in Turkey. Benefiting from the global literature on the meaning of work (Graeber, 2019), how work affects one’s character (Sennett, 1998), and how postmodern jobs are pushing individuals to a state of pretense (Alvesson & Spicer, 2016), I am trying to understand how the information workers in Turkey are experiencing global trends, what kind of value they assign to work, and what are some of the influences on their understanding of work. There is a growing information sector in Turkey, but very limited resources on their experiences. By utilizing the lens of the Marxist theory of alienation (Marx, 1992), this study explains the experiences of research participants in four categories: Alienation from self, from others, from productive activity, and finally the product. Research findings show that the alienation from self was heavily experienced by the research participants and the situation got severe when there was increased bureaucracy and workplace politics. Due to the increased division of labor and the nature of the information work, increased levels of alienation from productive activity and the product were also shared by participants of the research. The study concludes with my suggestions on potential future research to be conducted in the field to better understand the trends and conditions in Turkey.