This study explores the government's current land refonn programme in the light of nation building. It is hypothesised that though the government means well by its introduction of the programme, the current land refonn policy will negatively affect race relations. This is due to the fact that the introduction of this policy has exacerbated white fears of dispossession and raised black expectations of redress. Therefore, the success of this policy will exacerbate white dissatisfaction, and the failure of the policy will frustrate black expectations. Nevertheless, it is argued that this is only prevalent in the short run where as in the long run nation building could be achieved through this programme. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Johannesburg, August 2015. / This thesis explores the hypothesis that South Africa’s land reform programme is based on a set of assumptions about the country’s past which are inadequate and have contributed to the failure of policy. The impact of these assumptions is that they support particular models for restitution and rural economic development which became ‘accepted wisdom’ within international development agencies, government, and amongst land activists in South Africa, but which were and still are inappropriate in the South African context. To test this hypothesis I look at the history of land settlement and agriculture in Mopani district of Limpopo province. In particular, I look at how ordinary people accessed and lost rights to land over the nineteenth and twentieth century, and how land became tied up in struggles for political authority and access to resources. I show how the importance of ethnic identities and a sense that land belongs to ‘indigenous’ people of a particular ethnicity, deepened during the Bantustan era. I argue that policymakers could have learned from past government policies. This includes the 1936 Native Trust and Land Act which called for the state to purchase farms from private landowners for African settlement, and smallholder irrigation schemes and co-operatives, which were intended to improve agricultural production in the reserves and homelands. What this history reveals is that land settlement patterns and experiences of land loss were far more complex than the simplified narratives on which land restitution was based. The poor performance of agriculture in reserves and bantustans cannot be blamed on past government policies intended to destroy a peasantry, or on land loss alone, rather there were many challenges and constraints. Women maintained an interest in agriculture throughout the twentieth century, but were not taken seriously by those attempting to improve African agriculture. Africans interested in commercial farming were constrained in how much land they could access. The idea that Africans are naturally communal, and that restitution and development should target ‘communities’ is deeply problematic. Policy failed to take into account these realities. The consequences have been that land restitution has failed to bring redress, restituted farms have failed as commercial operations, those with a real interest in agriculture continue to face constraints, and smallholder irrigation schemes continue to perform poorly.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nobody can deny the need which prevails among black South Africans of gaining access to land. In South Africa, just like elsewhere, the land issue plays an equally important role to economic and political issues. However, the land issue is much more emotional, and has the potential to unleash forces which could impact negatively on the economy and the political situation. Bearing this in mind, the ANC-government placed the issue of land reform on the national agenda after assuming power in 1994. Within the broad framework of the program provision is made for previously disadvantaged people to be given access to agricultural land. However, the focus on new entrants to the agricultural sector diverts the attention somewhat from the fact that there are people and groupings who were also disadvantaged under apartheid, but who have had a degree of access to land. This study focuses on the 23 so-called Rural Areas which are scattered over four provinces (Western Cape, Northern Cape, Eastern Cape and the Free State) and which are administered in terms of the Rural Areas Act, Act 9 of 1987. Since the study is no more than an overview, a synopsis is given of contributing factors which relate to the origins of each of the areas. Of importance is the role which was played by missionary societies and others in establishing these communities. The mam focus of the study is the manner in which the Rural Areas were administered. Reference is made to relevant legislation since 1909, and specifically to Act 9 of 1987. The importance thereof lies in the fact that the existence and continued application of the Act has particular constitutional implications. Furthermore, the Minster of Land Affairs, who is responsible for the implementation of the land reform program, is the (unwilling) trustee of these areas. Apart from the fact that trusteeship recalls paternalism of years gone by, the South African reality also necessitated reflection on the existence of Act 9. The rest of the study discusses the consultation process undertaken by the department of Land Affairs with the communities concerned, and the writing of legislation to replace Act 9. The Transformation of Certain Rural Areas Act, Act 94 of 1998, will replace Act 9 when certain conditions mentioned therein, have been met. The Act will end trusteeship and ensure that the communities receive ownership of their land. This will be a movement towards the ideal of the land reform process of giving access to land to all inhabitants of the country. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Niemand kan die behoefte aan toegang tot grond ontken wat onder swart Suid- Afrikaners heers nie. Nes elders, speel die grondkwessie in Suid-Afrika 'n ewe belangrike rol as ekonomiese en politieke kwessies. Die grondkwessie is egter baie meer emosioneel, met die potensiaal om kragte los te laat wat nadelig op die ekonomie en politiek kan inwerk. Gedagtig hieraan het die ANC-regering na bewindsaanvaarding in 1994 grondhervorming op die nasionale agenda geplaas deur 'n grondhervormingsprogram van stapel te stuur. Binne die breë raamwerk van die program is onder andere ruimte geskep vir die verlening van toegang tot landbougrond aan voorheen benadeeldes. Dié klem op "nuwe toetreders" tot landbou trek egter 'n mens se aandag af van die feit dat daar ander persone en groeperinge bestaan wat ook deur apartheid benadeel is, maar wat wel 'n mate van toegang tot grond gehad het. Hiedie studie fokus op die 23 sogenaamde Landelike Gebiede wat oor vier provinsies (Wes-Kaap, Noord-Kaap, Oos-Kaap en Vrystaat) van die land versprei is, en wat ingevolge die Wet op Landelike Gebiede, Wet 9 van 1987, geadministreer word. Weens die oorsigtelike aard van die studie word slegs 'n sinopsis gegee van bydraende faktore wat relevant is tot die spesifieke ontstaansgeskiedenis van elk van die gebiede. Veral van belang hier is die rol wat sendinggenootskappe en andere gespeel het in die totstandkoming van gemeenskappe. Daar word in hoofsaak gekyk na die manier waarop die Landelike Gebiede met verloop van tyd geadministreer is. Hier word verwys na die relevante wetgewing sedert 1909, met spesifieke verwysing na Wet 9 van 1987. Die belang hiervan lê in die feit dat die voortbestaan en voortgesette toepassing van die Wet bepaalde grondwetlike implikasies inhou. Daarmee saam die feit dat die Minister van Grondsake, wat verantwoordelik IS vir die implementering van die grondhervormingsprogram, die (onwillige) trustee is van die Landelike Gebiede. Benewens die feit dat trusteeskap sterk herinner aan die paternalisme van die verlede, het die nuwe Suid-Afrikaanse werklikheid vereis dat herbesin word oor die voortbestaan van Wet 9. Die res van die studie bespreek die konsultasieproses van die departement van Grondsake met die betrokke gemeenskappe, en die skryf van wetgewing om Wet 9 te vervang. Die Wet op die Transformasie van Sekere Landelike Gebiede, Wet 94 van 1998 sal Wet 9 vervang wanneer aan sekere vereistes voldoen word. Die Wet het ten doelom trusteeskap te beëindig en te verseker dat die betrokke gemeenskappe seggenskap oor hul grond verkry. Sodoende sal nader beweeg word aan die ideaal van die grondhervormingsproses, naamlik die verskaffing van vrye toegang tot grond aan alle inwoners van die land.

The main question of this research which focuses on the role of the Old Testament in the South African context is: If reread from an African liberationist perspective in the context of land redistribution and socio-economic justice in South Africa, could the Israelite Jubilee legislation in Leviticus 25:8-55 offer liberating and empowering possibilities for the poor in South Africa? Methodologically, both the historical-critical method and the African liberationist approach are employed in the present study. The exegesis of Leviticus 25:8-55 in which the historical-critical method is employed lays the foundation for the contextualisation of the issues arising from the exegesis. Furthermore, within the African liberationist framework, the South African context served as a lens to interpret Leviticus 25:8-55. Significantly, this study shows the misuse of power on the part of the rich élites to confiscate productive land from the poor Israelites in the pre-exilic setting. Not only were the rich élites elevated at the expense of the poor, the Levites were equally favoured economically in the Babylonian period. In post-exilic Yehud, of significance is the fact that the Jews were faced with the challenge of loss of land, indebtedness and poverty. The striking parallels between the contexts from which the text of Leviticus 25:8-55 emerged and the context of the modern reader of the Bible in South Africa are shown. It is revealed that African-South Africans who lost their productive land during the colonial and apartheid eras continue to experience indebtedness and poverty. At the same time, the political élites contribute to the present disproportionate benefits from land ownership and socio-economic injustice in the country. Like the context of Leviticus 25:8-55, in South Africa, the rich continue to be richer while many African-South Africans are trapped in the poverty cycle. In the end, it is argued that when re-read from an African liberationist perspective and in the context of the land redistribution and socio-economic justice discourse, Leviticus 25:8-55 can contribute positively to the redress of inequality and consequently to poverty alleviation in South Africa. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Studies (Old Testament))