The purpose of the present study is to study the problems of Anglo-American and Latin-American girls in relation to their socio-economic status.

The purpose of the study was to determine what methods and techniques seem to be the best in helping the beginning Latin-American child to understand the written and oral English as taught by our schools today and to what extent these methods and techniques meed democratic and psychological criteria governing such a program.

The problem of this thesis is to make a comparative analysis of the educational opportunities of the two elementary schools in Sinton, Texas, one of which is composed of Anglo-Americans and the other of Latin-Americans.

The purpose of this study was to compare the achievement and personality development of Latin-American and Anglo-American school children of similar intelligence in the Washington Height School, Fort Worth, Texas. This was done in order to determine if the Latin-American children had as great a chance of success in school as did the Anglo-American children.

The purpose of this study was to determine, by means of a survey, the desires and needs of Latin-American children in connection with an educational program in the elementary school and at the junior-high-school level. It was recognized at the outset of this investigation that these pupils may be influenced materially both by the lower standard of education of their parents and the higher standard of education of their teachers. Language difficulties, living conditions at home, and loyalty to native teachings, customs, and traditions act as opposing forces in the effective educational training of these pupils in the schools of Texas.

It is the purpose of this writer to determine if there is any significant difference between the teacher ratings of Latin-Americans and Anglo-Americans and if such differences are found to exist, an attempt will be made to determine the extent to which they prevail.

This dissertation studies conservative modernism through the work of three Brazilian authors: Olavo Bilac, Graça Aranha and Monteiro Lobato. The three of them lived and were active between the 1890s and 1930s and were influential and controversial public figures during that period. Commonly criticized by the avant-garde modernists, their names remain associated with conservative and traditional views of modernity. I analyze how these three authors dialogued with the literary and journalistic circles and what kind of impact their works had when confronted with the avant-garde generation. I argue that some of their main ideas – misconceived in their attempt to answer the dilemmas of Brazilian society at the time – represented, nevertheless, an opportunity to think about the dialogue between high culture and popular culture, key elements of national identity used in the political discourse, and the role of the writer. These three central issues were tackled in the development and accommodation of modernity in the social and political discourse at that time.

This thesis focuses on patriarchy and machismo and the long lasting political, economic, and social effects that their practice has had on women in the United States and Latin America. It examines the role of the Catholic Church, political influences, social, cultural, economic and legal issues, historic issues (such as the Industrial Revolution), the importance of the family's preference for sons rather than daughters, and the differences in the raising of male and female children for their adult roles.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Undocumented immigration from Latin America is a heated and divisive topic in United States' politics. Politicians in Washington, D.C. are debating new legislation which would provide a pathway to citizenship for some 11 million undocumented immigrants. While several federal immigration reform bills were debated in the early 2000s, each one failed in either the House of Representatives or in the Senate. The Indianapolis Congregation Action Network (IndyCAN), a grassroots activist group in Indianapolis, is organizing the Latino community through faith and shared political goals. Undocumented Latino immigrants are utilizing IndyCAN as a method to influence progressive policy change. However, anti-immigrant groups challenge these efforts by attempting to define who can be considered an "American" and are attempting to block legislation due to their negative perceptions of Latinos. Debates about citizenship have racial discourses and reveal the embeddedness of race and ethnicity. Despite this, many Latino immigrants are forging their own identities in the United States and are engaging in a political system that refuses to grant them a legal status. Through an enactment of activism called la fe en acción [faith in action], these immigrants ground their political organizing with IndyCAN and attempt to appeal to the religious faith of politicians. I explore issues of race, political engagement, and religion in the lives of Indianapolis’ Latino community. In this case study, I demonstrate that IndyCAN is acting as a vehicle through which undocumented Latino immigrants are engaging in the political process. This political involvement occurs through religious strategies that seem apolitical yet are implicitly an enactment of activism. Ultimately, I reveal how undocumented Latino immigrants in Indianapolis are impacting the political process regardless of their legal status.

The voices and experiences of immigrant and refugee women in Canada have been conspicuously absent from policy issues, programme planning, and mental health literature. However, more immigrant and refugee women than men, from traditional cultures, are considered to have mental health needs, because of risk factors such as stress at the time of migration, and because of Canadian policies and programmes which disadvantage them. This study explores from the consumers perspective the reasons for disparate mental health service utilization between South Asian and Latin American women in Vancouver. Using a cross-sectional, exploratory, case study approach, and a feminist perspective, ten South Asian and ten Latin American women who have used mental health services were interviewed in depth. Sixty percent of the participants were survivors of violence and torture. Five Latin American women were survivors of pre-migration catastrophic stress. Their mental health needs were characterised by traumatic experiences, grieving and depression. Except for the three who were married, they had no traditional support networks. In contrast with the South Asian group they appeared to have less shame and covert behaviour. Mental illness, considered a ‘house secret’, carries great stigma in the South Asian community, and has serious ramifications for the immediate as well as the extended family. Among South Asian participants seven had been subjected to wife battering, and four of their spouses had a substance abuse problem. Their mental health needs were also triggered by traumatic experiences, grieving and depression. The more established South Asian women had extended family living in Vancouver, yet social support was still lacking. Having ‘no one to turn to’ was a pervasive theme across both groups of women; their experiences characterised by loss. Analysis of data exploring the decision to use services illustrates stages in a process of recovery from experienced violence. Post migration domestic violence and pre-migration violence have devastating, life-shattering consequences which require culturally sensitive interventions by social workers and other health care professionals. An obligatory stage in the clinical intervention process is to explore the issue of violence. Finally, policy decisions which impact upon women from ethnocultural communities in Canada must embrace a philosophy which considers well-trained, culturally-sensitive, linguistically—competent workers a priority.