Hundreds of journalists took to the streets in different parts of Guatemala to protest attacks against their colleagues and infringements on their freedom of expression in the country, during the second week of March in 2015. The larger protests were held in Guatemala City and in Mazatenango, Suchitepéquez, where earlier that week at slightly past noon three reporters were gunned down at a park in front of a municipality building; one survived the attack. Three days later a cameraman was shot dead by men on motorcycles, in front of the television station he worked for in Chicacao, Suchitepéquez. This is the perpetual cycle of violence that has been inculcated into the daily lives of the people in the country - it's a cultural construct that's oozed into the depths of society and sadly into the profession of journalism. This thesis is a study that investigates how Guatemalan journalists live and work in the country under a constant threat of violence, fighting for their space as a respected profession in a society that could benefit from a functioning media system. The in-depth interviews with reporters in the country will allow for a first-hand interpretation to support the research already conducted in the literature review. The study is a furthered analysis of literature and interviews to better understand why the state of journalism in Guatemala is complex, and why it is imperative for journalists to continue fighting for their space.

<p>This dissertation centers on the relationship between art and politics in postwar Central America as materialized in the specific issues of racial and gendered violence that derive from the region's geopolitical location and history. It argues that the decade of the 1990s marks a moment of change in the region's cultural infrastructure, both institutionally and conceptually, in which artists seek a new visual language of experimental art practices to articulate and conceptualize a critical understanding of place, experience and knowledge. It posits that visual and conceptual manifestations of violence in Central American performance, conceptual art and installation extend beyond a critique of the state, and beyond the scope of political parties in perpetuating violent circumstances in these countries. It argues that instead artists use experimental practices in art to locate manifestations of racial violence in an historical system of domination and as a legacy of colonialism still witnessed, lived, and learned by multiple subjectivities in the region. In this postwar period artists move beyond the cold-war rhetoric of the previous decades and instead root the current social and political injustices in what Aníbal Quijano calls the `coloniality of power.' Through an engagement of decolonial methodologies, this dissertation challenges the label "political art" in Central America and offers what I call "visual disobedience" as a response to the coloniality of seeing. I posit that visual colonization is yet another aspect of the coloniality of power and indispensable to projects of decolonization. It offers an analysis of various works to show how visual disobedience responds specifically to racial and gender violence and the equally violent colonization of visuality in Mesoamerica. Such geopolitical critiques through art unmask themes specific to life and identity in contemporary Central America, from indigenous genocide, femicide, transnational gangs, to mass imprisonments and a new wave of social cleansing. I propose that Central American artists--beyond an anti-colonial stance--are engaging in visual disobedience so as to construct decolonial epistemologies in art, through art, and as art as decolonial gestures for healing.</p> / Dissertation

The United States and Cuba announced that they would begin the process of restoring diplomatic relations in December 2014 after over fifty years of political disengagement. The shift in foreign policy produced a plethora of news articles. What do newspaper articles, in particular articles in The New York Times published between January 2014-July 2015, reveal about how, if at all, the representation of Cuba has changed since the two countries have initiated the process of restoring relations? How did the U.S. public react to this change? A qualitative content analysis of 117 articles from The New York Times reveal that the thaw in foreign relations with Cuba does not mean a significant shift in the portrayal of Cuba in U.S. newspapers. Cuba continues to be characterized as an undemocratic, unfree government.

The United States, the number one consumer of drugs in the world, since 1969, has made it their goal to decrease the supply of drugs to a global zero. However, the vast supply of US drugs consumed do not originate in the US. To understand the impact of US anti-drug policy, mainly interdiction, eradication, and the targeting of DTO’s abroad, I conducted three case studies of three states with which the US has participated with in the drug war: Colombia, Honduras, and Mexico. What I found is that in each situation, each state approaches their own domestic drug war (with US support) as a COIN. However, given the unique nature of DTOs, this COIN strategy has failed, weakening the state institutions of the countries.

<p> Latin America is one of the richest regions in the world in rainfall and freshwater resources. Despite this, large populations in this region struggle to gain safe access to safe drinking water supply and sanitation services. The objectives of this research are not simply to show that more wells and better infrastructure are needed. Instead this study encompasses both the physical and emotional geographies of water to dig deep into the social relations to show whether gender intersects with inequalities in water access, and understand how this relationship may cause water insecurities and water distress. By examining local water access in rural El Salvador, my analysis concludes that in every c&aacute;ntaro of water are women&rsquo;s personal water access struggles. Although some men help with the water collection and carrying labor in rural areas, it is women who as homemakers are more involved and affected by water insecurities.</p>

<p> Drawing from Latino/a Critical Race Theory and the related Community Cultural Wealth (CCW) model, I concentrate on three forms of CCW&mdash;aspirational, navigational, and resistance capital&mdash;for this qualitative study on the undergraduate experience of Latina students in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) majors, focusing on strategies and achieving baccalaureate attainment. I interviewed ten Latina students and asked them questions regarding their educational experiences in STEM majors, what contributed to their degree completion, and the strategies they employed for achieving baccalaureate attainment. I identified and described six themes within the study (the underrepresentation of Latinas in STEM majors, the lack of preparation by academic programs for upper division courses, motivators, involvement, time management, and support networks) that, when combined, contributed to participants&rsquo; degree attainment. This study concludes with implications for policy and practice that would allow universities to better assist Latinas in STEM majors to achieve baccalaureate attainment.</p>

<p>The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the narrative of Latina graduates who successfully navigated through community college and 4-year institutions in the STEM fields. Rather than focus on what these students lack as much of the current research does, the study explored what assets these students bring that supports their success in STEM fields. Utilizing an ethnographic interview approach, participants who attained STEM baccalaureates in California were interviewed. Qualitative findings revealed various experiences, attitudes, and cultural influences that led to successful completion of a STEM degree. First, the study found that successful community college Latina STEM graduates exhibit grit, are resilient, determined, and have positive attitudes about their underrepresentation in STEM. Second, participants sought after peer, faculty, and staff relationships that helped them be successful. Lastly, participants had the support of their families and reported a high level of connectedness to their culture. Implications, recommendations for practice, and directions for future research are discussed.

<p>This study assessed the actual and perceived efficacy of TAFE as implemented across public schools in Texas with Latino populations. The graduation rates of students were analyzed to assess whether there were significant differences in graduation rates between schools implementing the program and those not implementing the program across gender and ethnicity. Surveys were administered to past and present personnel associated with TAFE to ascertain their perceptions on the program. A significant main effect for Latinos was found at TAFE schools during the five year period of the study. Survey responses were isolated to differentiate between Latino responses and those of the general population. Responses varied in consistency between Latino respondents and the overall population of respondents. In general, respondents credited the program for the higher graduation rates of Latinos and their motivation to attend college which are future indicators of success. However, the respondents were undecided as to TAFE's influence to foster teaching vocations but believe it impacts teacher retention. Respondents were also undecided, and a considerable percentage of them had a negative opinion that TAFE motivated them to become or want to become educational administrators. Finally, respondents endorsed the idea of recommending TAFE to high school students and to schools/districts for implementation.

<p>This dissertation focuses on the experiences of children who work the streets of Lima primarily as jugglers, musicians, and candy vendors. I explore how children's everyday lives are marked not only by the hardships typically associated with poverty, but also by their need to respond to the dominant notions of childhood, family roles, and urban order that make them into symbols of underdevelopment. In particular, I argue that transnational discourses about the perniciousness of child labor, articulated through development agencies, NGOs, the Peruvian state, the media, and everyday interpersonal exchanges, perpetuate an idea of childhood that not only fails to correspond to the realities of the children that I came to know, but that reinscribes a view of them and their families as impediments to progress and thus available for diverse forms of moral intervention. I ground my analysis in a notion that I call "public childhoods." This concept draws attention to the ways that subjectivities form through intersecting mechanisms of power, in this sense capturing nuances that common terms such as "street children" and "child laborer" gloss over. Children, I show, are a symbolic site for the articulation of the kinds of classed, raced and gendered differences that characterize Lima's contemporary urban imaginary. As they bear the embodied effects of such discourses, I argue, children who work the streets also participate - if in subtle ways - in these everyday ideological struggles into which they are drawn.</p><p> My dissertation is based on twenty-two months of fieldwork in Peru, in addition to several one- and two-month periods of preliminary and follow-up research. As an ethnographer, my research consisted primarily of accompanying children as they went about their daily routines. Beyond "hanging out" in their workspaces, which included a busy traffic intersection in an upper-middle class district and public buses, I also spent a great deal of time with the children's families, typically in their homes in Lima's shantytowns and working-class neighborhoods. I also attended meetings and otherwise participated in institutional spaces such as NGOs, social movements, Congressional hearings, and advocacy groups. Finally, in order to gain a more long-term perspective on discussions and policies involving childhood, I conducted research in Lima's historical archives.</p> / Dissertation

The urban landscapes of Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay lay bare the markings of these countries‘ turbulent political and economic pasts, their transition to democracy, and diverse efforts to preserve memory. Claudia Feld‘s observation that these countries have experienced a 'memory boom‘—not a deficit—in recent years manifests itself as much culturally and politically as it does spatially, through the creation of memorials, memory parks, museums, and memory-related performances and discourses. Along these same lines, narratives of memory recur among artistic and cultural works of the post-dictatorial Southern Cone—not exclusively among memorials and other designated sites of recollection, but along the everyday corridors and causeways of some of South America‘s most populous cities, and rather unexpectedly, among seemingly generic sites of consumerism and transit. In fact, my reading of literary and cinematic works by Alberto Fuguet, Sergio Chejfec, Ignacio Agüero, and Fabián Bielinsky, and my examination of Uruguay‘s Punta Carretas Shopping Center, suggests that memory has not been easily corralled into designated sites nor erased through modern spaces and lifestyles; instead, each of the works analyzed in this study reveals that palimpsests of memory can appear often and, in many cases, spontaneously among all angles of the cityscape.