Thesis (PhD--Māori Studies)--University of Auckland, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

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The purpose of this study was to explore politicians’ attitudes toward the Equal Rights Amendment. It was hypothesized that certain social, background and political variables would influence the politicians’ attitudes toward ratification or rejection of the Equal Rights Amendment. Data were collected from legislators and former legislators from the states of West Virginia and Virginia. Approximately 70.2 percent of the 195 delegates and former delegates responded to the survey. The findings indicated that the social, background and political variables under investigation were not related to politicians’ attitudes toward the Equal Rights Amendment. Further, lobbying efforts in both states were generally ineffective. The general lack of relationships among the variables toward the Equal Rights Amendment was considered to be influenced by the traditional one-party political control of the state of Virginia. / Master of Science

Mini-dissertation in partial compliance with the requirements for the Masters Degree in Technology: Chiropractic, Durban University of Technology, 2009. / Aim: The aim of this study was to establish the relationship between demographics of honourable members, their level of knowledge of and the perceptions of the chiropractic profession. Methods: A questionnaire-based survey was administered to 84 Health Portfolio Committee (HPC) members at their meetings as requested through the respective committee secretaries. The questionnaire was administered in a semi supervised fashion at the set meetings. Results: A response rate of 64% revealed that the mean knowledge score of 31.4% was relatively low. The mean perceptions score was 38.2%, indicating an overall negative perception of chiropractic amongst this population. Experience did indeed influence perceptions significantly (p=0.035) with those having consulted a chiropractor before having higher perceptions scores. No significant correlations existed between knowledge and perception and the demographic variables with the exception of ethnicity. This was enhanced by a weak statistically significant positive correlation between knowledge and perceptions score (r=0.394, p=0.004). The weak strength of the correlation shows that in general, as knowledge increased so did perceptions. Conclusion: Generally knowledge and perception of chiropractic was low in this population and seems to be influenced principally by the ethnicity / culture within which the honourable members operate (whether it is within the medical paradigm or their individual cultural orientation). Thus increasing the awareness and knowledge of chiropractic in this group may lead to more positive knowledge scores and perception levels.

This study examined the role and function of public relations in public higher education institutions by focusing on the messages being communicated by four public research-oriented universities. This study was designed to determine if and how these universities communicate their public good responsibility and how that communication is perceived by two constituent groups—higher education reporters and state legislators. The researcher used two qualitative methods: thematic analysis and in-depth/elite interviews. Thematic analysis was used to analyze the universities’ mission and vision statements, strategic plans, legislative appropriations requests, presidential speeches, and 800 press releases (200 from each of four universities), to determine whether references to the public good were either present or absent in messages the universities disseminated during 2006 and 2007. In-depth/elite interviews were used to obtain the perspectives of the chief public relations officers at each of the four public research-oriented universities about their public relations strategies and communication goals. Higher education reporters covering these respective institutions and members of the legislature in positions of leadership on committees involved with higher education policy and funding issues were also interviewed to understand their perceptions about the universities. This study found the following 24 references to public good: the core concepts of research, teaching and public service; the benefits the universities create as engines of economic development; diversity; the recruitment and retention of faculty; the university as a center for arts, entertainment and cultural events; faculty and student achievement; student career enhancement; and institutional prestige, among others. The study demonstrated that public research-oriented universities are using public relations strategies and techniques to construct and distribute messages to their key constituents about the benefits they provide to the State and its citizens. Major findings also include the observation that higher education reporters cover higher education as a statewide beat which focuses on the state’s two flagship or Tier 1 universities—the University of Texas at Austin and Texas A&M University and the institutions in the reporters respective cities. In addition, the higher education reporters write about “issues” related to higher education rather than institutions per se. The study also found that State Legislators only recognize the two Tier 1 institutions as research institutions and their perspectives about these institutions are driven by how these universities are funded. / text

This thesis is a case study applying George Lakoff’s theories regarding frames to a specific series of legislation dealing with immigration. First, literature is examined regarding changes in Congress and media and the relationship between the two. George Lakoff’s theories on framing are discussed, playing special attention to the familial models and biconceptualism. The case study regards immigration reform legislation that was attempted to pass through Congress in 2007, specifically the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2007 and the STRIVE Act. The application of Lakoff’s theories to this case study aids in further understanding the link between politics and communication and the importance of persuasion in a political setting. / Department of Political Science

Since the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA), the number of African- Americans competing for and holding state legislative offices has increased significantly. Their growth is most notable in southern state legislatures. A growing number of studies have been devoted to African-Americans in these state legislatures. Absent from previous studies is a comprehensive analysis of African-Americans in the Louisiana state legislature. In 2007 there were a total of 32 African-American legislators. Louisiana ranks among other states with the highest number, 32, and percentage, 22, of African-American legislators. Yet, despite their relatively large presence few scholarly studies have examined their legislative behavior. This study focused primarily on the substantive representation of African-Americans, especially during the post-Hurricane Katrina period. In this dissertation, the following questions were examined: Have the growing number of these legislators resulted in greater influence in state policy-making? Have they chaired any important, policy-relevant committees in the state legislature? Have they articulated and advocated a race-based legislative agenda for African-American constituents? Using a multi-methodological approach including the analysis of voting rights legislation introduced in the post-Hurricane Katrina legislative sessions and qualitative interviews, evidence was found to conclude that African-American House members have provided substantive representation to their constituents, obtained key institutional leadership positions, and campaigned in biracial terms, which has contributed to there ability to have a notable impact in the chamber.

Since the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA), the number of African- Americans competing for and holding state legislative offices has increased significantly. Their growth is most notable in southern state legislatures. A growing number of studies have been devoted to African-Americans in these state legislatures. Absent from previous studies is a comprehensive analysis of African-Americans in the Louisiana state legislature. In 2007 there were a total of 32 African-American legislators. Louisiana ranks among other states with the highest number, 32, and percentage, 22, of African-American legislators. Yet, despite their relatively large presence few scholarly studies have examined their legislative behavior. This study focused primarily on the substantive representation of African-Americans, especially during the post-Hurricane Katrina period. In this dissertation, the following questions were examined: Have the growing number of these legislators resulted in greater influence in state policy-making? Have they chaired any important, policy-relevant committees in the state legislature? Have they articulated and advocated a race-based legislative agenda for African-American constituents? Using a multi-methodological approach including the analysis of voting rights legislation introduced in the post-Hurricane Katrina legislative sessions and qualitative interviews, evidence was found to conclude that African-American House members have provided substantive representation to their constituents, obtained key institutional leadership positions, and campaigned in biracial terms, which has contributed to there ability to have a notable impact in the chamber.

Excerpt:This quantitative study examined the perceptions of selected university administrators and legislators concerning levels of support for Tennessee public higher education.

This quantitative study examined the perceptions of selected university administrators and legislators concerning levels of support for Tennessee public higher education. The purpose of the study was to gain a greater understanding among the various constituents as to the needs and restraints facing higher education funding. The population targeted for this study was comprised of 132 members of the Tennessee General Assembly, the Executive Director of the Tennessee Higher Education Commission (THEC), the Chancellor of the Tennessee Board of Regents (TBR), the President of the University of Tennessee System, and 36 Chief Administrators at nine state-supported universities. The principal investigator used a web-based survey development company to design, collect, and store survey responses. Analysis of the data revealed that legislators and higher education administrators in the State of Tennessee perceived funding for higher education differently. There were significant differences between the two groups concerning: use of higher education reserves during weak economic times, the explanation for tuition rises, how much costs students should incur for higher education, level importance placed on state appropriations for funding higher education, and how they perceived priority of higher education in the state budget. There was a significant difference between one’s political party affiliation and their perception of access to higher education being an issue. A significant difference was also found between one’s education level and ranking of higher education in the state budget.