This research aims to understand how black descriptive representation comes about and why black descriptive representation matters, at the state level. What distinguishes this research from previous works is its simultaneous analysis of different forms of descriptive representation at the subnational level, rather than in Congress or at the local level. This research argues black descriptive representation can take four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity and caucus. An important and understudied mechanism for black descriptive representation is the formation of state legislative black caucuses and their potential to influence policy and behavior. Subnational descriptive representation need not have negative tradeoffs for black substantive policy representation, as has been found with minority representation in Congress (Lublin 1997). Black representation is akin to a diamond, and looking at it from only one perspective is similar to judging a diamond only by its color, instead of also judging it by its hardness and fluorescence, as well as its clarity, shape, and size. In short, this work recognizes the multifaceted nature of black representation in the states. This research defines a theory of black descriptive representation as taking four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity, and caucus. Dyadic descriptive representation is the one-to-one relationship between a legislator and a voter, and heretofore it has received the most scholarly attention. This one-to-one relationship may occur between a minority citizen and their elected representation in Congress, in the state legislature, or in local government (Bobo and Gilliam 1990; Barreto, Segura, and Woods 2004), but this work focuses on dyadic descriptive representation in Congress. Although some argue that dyadic descriptive representation leads to better policy outcomes for blacks (Whitby 1997; Hutchings, McClerking, and Charles 2004), and encourages blacks to engage in politics (Gay 2001; Gay 2002; Tate 2003; Banducci, Donovan, and Karp 2004; Griffin and Keane 2006), others argue that dyadic descriptive representation is not only unnecessary to implement policies beneficial to blacks (Swain 1993), but also that it may actually lead to poorer policy outcomes for the group (Lublin 1997). That is, there is a tradeoff between increasing the number of black representatives (descriptive representation) and passing policies beneficial to the group (substantive representation). Collective descriptive representation is the relationship that an individual has with elected officials with whom they share a group identity. For blacks, collective descriptive representation may include the percentage of black lawmakers in the state legislature or Congress. An argument developed in this research is that collective descriptive representation in the state legislature, a topic rarely studied by scholars of race and ethnicity, may maximize both descriptive and substantive representation, and as a result, it may encourage black political behavior and lead to better policy outcomes for the group. Both parity and caucus descriptive representation are extensions of collective descriptive representation in the state legislature. Parity descriptive representation examines the extent to which the percentage of blacks in the state legislature is equal to a state's black population and is a measure of racial equity in electoral representation. Caucus descriptive representation is the formal organization of black lawmakers within a state legislature. Almost no published research has empirically studied legislative black caucuses in the states (for an exception see King-Meadows and Schaller 2006). Since the four forms of descriptive representation are distinct, the expectation is that they be caused by different factors. Moreover, this research builds on previous work by measuring and defining collective descriptive representation in all fifty states and is the first research to argue that state legislative black caucuses shape political behavior.

The purpose of this study is to illuminate the role, the function, and the ironic outcome of the Victory in Vietnam Committee's campaign pamphlet to recall Senator Frank Church of Idaho in 1967. The VVC's political strategy was to build credibility with the media through the recall pamphlet. The analysis of the recall pamphlet shows the failure of the Victory in Vietnam Committee to adapt to the intended audience, the media. The pamphlet is further evaluated in the context of manichean rhetoric to highlight the unethical use of credibility building techniques and the ultimate goal of the VVC to stifle Church's dissent with respect to the Vietnam War. The irony of the Victory in Vietnam Committee's explanatory pamphlet is that instead of helping to oust Church by exposing his faults, it caused the downfall of the Victory in Vietnam Committee. / Graduation date: 1992

No description available.

Mini-dissertation in partial compliance with the requirements for the Masters Degree in Technology: Chiropractic, Durban University of Technology, 2009. / Aim: The aim of this study was to establish the relationship between demographics of honourable members, their level of knowledge of and the perceptions of the chiropractic profession. Methods: A questionnaire-based survey was administered to 84 Health Portfolio Committee (HPC) members at their meetings as requested through the respective committee secretaries. The questionnaire was administered in a semi supervised fashion at the set meetings. Results: A response rate of 64% revealed that the mean knowledge score of 31.4% was relatively low. The mean perceptions score was 38.2%, indicating an overall negative perception of chiropractic amongst this population. Experience did indeed influence perceptions significantly (p=0.035) with those having consulted a chiropractor before having higher perceptions scores. No significant correlations existed between knowledge and perception and the demographic variables with the exception of ethnicity. This was enhanced by a weak statistically significant positive correlation between knowledge and perceptions score (r=0.394, p=0.004). The weak strength of the correlation shows that in general, as knowledge increased so did perceptions. Conclusion: Generally knowledge and perception of chiropractic was low in this population and seems to be influenced principally by the ethnicity / culture within which the honourable members operate (whether it is within the medical paradigm or their individual cultural orientation). Thus increasing the awareness and knowledge of chiropractic in this group may lead to more positive knowledge scores and perception levels.

The relationship between the media and politicians is uncertain at best. This study examined the attitudes of Indiana state senators and representatives with regard to the way they are treated by their local media. It is based on a study conducted in 1990 by Dr. Daniel Riffe, that sought similar opinions from Alabama state lawmakers.The hypothesis assumed that legislators who indicated they found the media useful would not view them as adversarial. A 39% response rate was achieved, which while not high enough to statistically validate findings did indicate a rejection of the hypothesis, as well as reveal other interesting observations. / Department of Journalism

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-86). / xi, 86 leaves, bound ill., maps 29 cm

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 149-162).

Thesis (Ph.D)--Mississippi State University. Department of Instructional Systems, Leadership and Workforce Development. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Augsburg, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 369-376).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-298).