This research aims to understand how black descriptive representation comes about and why black descriptive representation matters, at the state level. What distinguishes this research from previous works is its simultaneous analysis of different forms of descriptive representation at the subnational level, rather than in Congress or at the local level. This research argues black descriptive representation can take four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity and caucus. An important and understudied mechanism for black descriptive representation is the formation of state legislative black caucuses and their potential to influence policy and behavior. Subnational descriptive representation need not have negative tradeoffs for black substantive policy representation, as has been found with minority representation in Congress (Lublin 1997). Black representation is akin to a diamond, and looking at it from only one perspective is similar to judging a diamond only by its color, instead of also judging it by its hardness and fluorescence, as well as its clarity, shape, and size. In short, this work recognizes the multifaceted nature of black representation in the states. This research defines a theory of black descriptive representation as taking four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity, and caucus. Dyadic descriptive representation is the one-to-one relationship between a legislator and a voter, and heretofore it has received the most scholarly attention. This one-to-one relationship may occur between a minority citizen and their elected representation in Congress, in the state legislature, or in local government (Bobo and Gilliam 1990; Barreto, Segura, and Woods 2004), but this work focuses on dyadic descriptive representation in Congress. Although some argue that dyadic descriptive representation leads to better policy outcomes for blacks (Whitby 1997; Hutchings, McClerking, and Charles 2004), and encourages blacks to engage in politics (Gay 2001; Gay 2002; Tate 2003; Banducci, Donovan, and Karp 2004; Griffin and Keane 2006), others argue that dyadic descriptive representation is not only unnecessary to implement policies beneficial to blacks (Swain 1993), but also that it may actually lead to poorer policy outcomes for the group (Lublin 1997). That is, there is a tradeoff between increasing the number of black representatives (descriptive representation) and passing policies beneficial to the group (substantive representation). Collective descriptive representation is the relationship that an individual has with elected officials with whom they share a group identity. For blacks, collective descriptive representation may include the percentage of black lawmakers in the state legislature or Congress. An argument developed in this research is that collective descriptive representation in the state legislature, a topic rarely studied by scholars of race and ethnicity, may maximize both descriptive and substantive representation, and as a result, it may encourage black political behavior and lead to better policy outcomes for the group. Both parity and caucus descriptive representation are extensions of collective descriptive representation in the state legislature. Parity descriptive representation examines the extent to which the percentage of blacks in the state legislature is equal to a state's black population and is a measure of racial equity in electoral representation. Caucus descriptive representation is the formal organization of black lawmakers within a state legislature. Almost no published research has empirically studied legislative black caucuses in the states (for an exception see King-Meadows and Schaller 2006). Since the four forms of descriptive representation are distinct, the expectation is that they be caused by different factors. Moreover, this research builds on previous work by measuring and defining collective descriptive representation in all fifty states and is the first research to argue that state legislative black caucuses shape political behavior.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcus de Oliveira Kaufmann.pdf: 2222812 bytes, checksum: 6d75dda58354e1faf67b592daeb0df6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-25 / Four themes emerge from the study that is presented in favor of the idea of a associational unionism: the action, on the global ground, of multinational companies; the response of international trade unionism, by its most eloquent actors, towards capital; the ways in which workers can, from the workplace, organize themselves to participate in the governance of the company; and the interrelationship that labour, from the workplace to the international scene, may need to keep to their survival, in an complex environment of collective labour relations, with other types of collective representations of workers, from a non-union nature, assembled by singular means (personnel delegates or elected representatives of workers) or by collective means (committees or commissions of company or factory). The debate about the connections between supposed distant themes provide the material source from which the unions can expect to face the advance of capital, while they can build, from the workplace to the global field, democratic environments for more respectful and equal coexistence between labour and capital. One of the instruments, the study presents, for the union movement, particularly in Brazil, is the idea of a associational unionism, whereby unions, in a vertical orientation, link themselves, with information and experience traffic, by holding minimum rights regarding employee participation in the governance of the company, with various levels through which workers organize from the workplace to the international stage; and, in a horizontal orientation, link themselves, with information and experience traffic through the exploitation of rights of participation in the governance of the company, with collective representations of workers of a non-union nature, from the workplace to the international scene. So far the approach of all those interrelationships is not usual for the industrial relations Law in Brazil, although present though sometimes not so quiet or in a simple manner for the union movement in European countries and to countries seen as the "North", part of the bibliographic references eminently come from European and American perspectives, but not at any time losing the horizon of the political and legal Brazilian scene, as to propose, even in the context of the restrictive Brazilian union model, or beyond that model, new ways for the unionism act and think / Quatro temas afloram do estudo que se apresenta em prol da ideia de um sindicalismo associativo: a atuação, no terreno global, das empresas multinacionais; a resposta do sindicalismo internacional, mediante seus atores mais eloquentes, ao avanço do capital; as formas mediante as quais os trabalhadores podem, desde o local de trabalho, se organizar para participar do governo da empresa; e a inter-relação que o sindicalismo, desde o local de trabalho até o cenário internacional, pode e necessita manter, para a sua sobrevivência, em um ambiente de complexas relações coletivas de trabalho, com outros tipos de representações coletivas de trabalhadores, de perfil unitário e não-sindical, montadas por vias singulares (delegados de pessoal ou representantes eleitos de trabalhadores) ou por vias coletivas (comitês ou comissões de empresa ou de fábrica). O debate em torno das conexões existentes entre supostamente tão distantes temas oferece a fonte material a partir da qual o sindicalismo pode se preparar para enfrentar o avanço do capital, ao mesmo tempo em que pode construir, desde os locais de trabalho até o terreno global, ambientes mais democráticos para a convivência, com maior respeito e equivalência, entre trabalho e capital. Um dos instrumentos que, do estudo, se apresenta para o movimento sindical, particularmente ao brasileiro, é a ideia de um sindicalismo associativo, mediante a qual os sindicatos, em uma orientação vertical, podem estabelecer relações, com tráfego de informações e de experiências, pela exploração de mínimos direitos atinentes à participação dos trabalhadores no governo da empresa, com os diversos níveis por meio dos quais os trabalhadores se organizam desde os locais de trabalho até o cenário internacional; e, em uma orientação horizontal, podem estabelecer relações, com tráfego de informações e de experiências, mediante exploração de direitos de participação no governo da empresa, com representações coletivas de trabalhadores de natureza unitária e não-sindical, desde os locais de trabalho até o cenário internacional. Em razão de a abordagem de todas essas inter-relações não ser usual para o Direito Coletivo do Trabalho no Brasil, embora presente ainda que, por vezes, não tão tranquila para o movimento sindical de países europeus e para os países tidos como do Norte , a pesquisa bibliográfica parte de referências eminentemente europeias e norte-americanas, mas sem, em nenhum momento, perder o horizonte do cenário político e jurídico brasileiro para propor, mesmo em contexto de unicidade, ou para além da unicidade, outra forma de agir e de pensar para o sindicalismo

L’entreprise naît en Droit d'un alliage complexe de notions juridiques (le contrat de travail, la personnalité morale, la représentation collective des travailleurs, etc...). L'ordonnancement systématique de celles-ci s'impose pour percevoir la cohérence de l'organisation juridique de celle-là. Des lignes de force se dégagent. Le contrat de travail oppose deux parties aux intérêts antagonistes. Mais la libération de la force de travail du salarié, partie de sa personne, et la pérennisation du lien contractuel les obligent à coopérer. Ce mouvement est renforcé par certains mécanismes étrangers à la nature du contrat de travail. Sont organisés le partage du contrôle de l’entreprise (lequel suppose d’assurer la représentation collective des travailleurs) et celui de ses utilités. Les salariés deviennent alors des quasi-associés. L'organisation juridique de l'entreprise n'est toutefois pas figée par le dogme. Des idéologies concurrentes en façonnent les contours. Certaines s'attachent aux fins. L'entreprise est alternativement mise au service de l'emploi et de l'activité d'entreprendre. D'autres s'intéressent aux moyens. Juristes et économistes prétendent à l'organisation scientifique de l'entreprise. / In Law, the firm is the result of a complex amalgam of legal concepts (employment contract, legal personality, collective representation of workers, etc.). The systematic ordering of these ones is needed to perceive the coherence of the legal organization of that one. Guidelines emerge. Employment contract is the meeting of two parties whose interests are antagonists. But the release of the labor force of the employee, part of his person , and the sustainability of the contract require them to cooperate. This trend is reinforced by some mechanisms non implied by the nature of the employment contract. Are shared the control of the company (which involves the collective representation of workers) and of its benefits. Employees then become nearly considered as the stockholders are. The legal structure of the firm , however, is not fixed by dogma. Competing ideologies are shaping it. Some focus on purposes. The company is alternately used as a means for employment and for the will of the enterpreneur. Others focus on methods. Lawyers and economists try to organize the firm scientifically.

Le télétravail vient de faire son entrée dans le code du travail par la loi n°2012-387 du 22 mars 2012. Si au regard de la loi, le télétravailleur est considéré comme un salarié à part entière titulaire d’un contrat de travail et subordonné à l’employeur, il accompli cependant ses tâches hors les locaux de l’entreprise en utilisant les technologies de l’information et de la communication. Il en découle que si le travail à distance génère pour le télétravailleur une situation qui se caractérise par une certaine indépendance et une « relative autonomie dans la subordination », il n’en demeure pas moins qu’il reste placé dans une situation de subordination inhérente au contrat de travail. La position singulière du télétravailleur vient ainsi bouleverser le droit des relations individuelles et collectives de travail. Etudier la situation juridique du télétravailleur supposera de se « focaliser » sur la personne en situation de télétravail pour se demander comment sa position singulière peut à la fois le placer dans les liens du salariat, qui suppose l’exercice des droits de tout salarié, mais aussi déterminer les éléments spécifiques de sa situation. / Telework has been introduced in the Labor Code by the Law N° 2012-387 dated march 22d 2012. By law, the teleworker is considered a full-fledged employee holding an employment contract by which he is subordinate to his employer. Yet, thanks to the use of information and communication technologies he performs his labour outside of the company’s premises. It follows that, even though distance working will afford the teleworker a certain degree of independence and “autonomy within his subordination”, he remains nevertheless placed within the state of subordination characteristic of an employment contract. The teleworker’s peculiar situation therefore disrupts the traditional balance of individual and collective rights afforded to employees. Analysing the legal status of the teleworker will involve “focusing” our attention on the person placed within a telework environment to figure out how this singular situation can place him/her both within the employment relationship, which implies enjoying the rights of traditional employees, while still pinpointing elements that are specific to his situation.

L’UES constitue un outil de recomposition du cadre de l’entreprise. Le recours à l’UES permet en effetde considérer que plusieurs entités juridiquement distinctes constituent, en droit du travail, uneentreprise unique. La reconnaissance de l’UES facilite alors la mise en oeuvre de normes déterminéespar le juge ou le législateur, parmi lesquelles figurent en premier lieu celles relatives à la représentationcollective du personnel. L’évolution de son utilisation a façonné son périmètre en un cadre d’exercicedes droits collectifs des salariés. Toutefois, si le recours à l’UES correspond à la recherche de l’entrepriseen droit du travail, son régime demeure à l’état de « construit jurisprudentiel » élaboré à des fins utiles.Il laisse un sentiment d’inachevé. Les conséquences de la reconnaissance d’une UES ne peuventatteindre les relations individuelles de travail. Les salariés demeurent contractuellement liés à leursemployeurs respectifs. La constatation d’un pouvoir de direction unique entre les entités juridiques nepermet pas considérer l’UES comme étant l’employeur unique de l’ensemble des salariés, ni même queses membres sont autant de coemployeurs. L’absence de personnalité morale reconnue à ce type degroupement représente incontestablement une limite dans la construction d’un régime juridique. Lessolutions applicables dans un groupe d’entreprises peuvent également l’être dans l’UES. Cependant,elles ne représentent que des alternatives limitées à l’attribution de la personnalité morale. Or, dans lecadre de la théorie de la réalité de la personne morale, il apparaît que l’UES pourrait être considéréecomme telle. La reconnaissance de la personnalité morale aurait pour effet de rendre solidairementresponsables ses membres à l’égard de l’emploi des salariés qui contribuent au déploiement de l’activitééconomique dans ce périmètre. / UES constitutes a tool used to recompose the framework of the company. UES permits to consider thatseveral legally distinct entities constitute, in fact, a unique company. The recognition of an UESfacilitates the application of norms determined by the judge or the legislator, and especially normsrelated to collective representation. The evolution of its use has shaped its perimeter in a framework forthe exercise of the employees’ collective rights. However, if the UES corresponds in the search of thecompany in labor law, its regime stays at the state of "built case law" developed for useful purposes. Itleaves a feeling of unfinished. The consequences of the UES recognition cannot reach the individualworking relations. The employees remain contractually bound to their respective employers. Theobservation of a unique direction power between the legal entities doesn't permit to consider UES asbeing the unique employer of the set of the employees, nor even that its members are as much coemployers.The absence of moral personality of this type of grouping represents incontestably a limit inthe construction of its legal regime. The applicable solutions in a group of companies can also beapplicable in the UES. However, they only represent alternatives limited to the assignment of the moralpersonality. However, in the setting of the theory of the reality of the moral person, it appears that UEScould be considered like such. The recognition of the moral personality would have the effect of makingjointly responsible its members towards the employment of the employees who contribute to thedeployment of the economic activity in this perimeter.

L’entreprise transnationale s’impose comme un pouvoir économique puissantdans le contexte de mondialisation. Dénuée de personnalité morale, elle n’est appréhendéeque partiellement par les droits internes. En dehors du droit supranational qui présente descarences et n’assure qu’une régulation partielle, les relations de travail dans l’entrepriseglobalisée restent largement appréhendées par les droits nationaux et les paradigmes dudroit du travail n’ont guère évolué pour s’ajuster à leur singularité. La nature du droit quisaisit ces rapports n’est donc pas commensurable à leur réalité transnationale.L’insuffisance du cadre d’analyse actuel oblige alors à dépasser le doublecloisonnement des systèmes juridiques et des personnes morales afin de développer dessolutions globales. Une analyse tant positiviste que prospective du droit révèle l’existenced’un processus d’adaptation en cours, celui-ci devant toutefois être renforcé et étendu.Il s’agit donc de mettre en place un principe d’ajustement du droit à ces relations de travail,lequel révèle l’identité du transnational : la transnationalité est une expression du pluralisme.L’adaptation du droit suppose, d’une part, que l’entreprise soit recomposée en tantqu’organisation et qu’elle soit mise en synergie avec les autres acteurs de la gouvernancemondiale. Le mouvement d’adéquation implique, d’autre part, qu’un droit global, « postmoderne» et pluraliste, reposant sur un socle de droits fondamentaux, voit le jour. Ainsi,c’est au prix de ces évolutions que l’on parviendra à une régulation adaptée des relations detravail dans l’entreprise transnationale ainsi qu’à l’émergence d’un droit social de lamondialisation. / Transnational companies now stand as leading economic powers in aglobalisation context. Stripped of any legal personality, they are only partly bound by thenational laws. Aside from supranational law, which is incomplete provides only partialregulation, labour relations within globalised companies remain largely bound by nationallaws while the paradigms of labour law have barely evolved in order to adjust to theirsingularity. The nature of the law that governs those professional relations is therefore notcommensurate to their transnational reality.The deficiencies of the current framework for analysis thus compel researchers to gobeyond the twofold boundaries of legal systems and legal entities in order to develop suitableglobal solutions. A positivist, forward-looking analysis of the law reveals the existence of anadaptation process that is already underway but which must also be extended andstrengthened.It is therefore a matter of establishing a legal adjustment principle within those labourrelations, which reveals the identity of the transnational: transnationality is an expression ofpluralism. Legal adaptation assumes, on the one hand, that companies be reconstructed asorganisations and that a synergy be established with other players in the field of globalgovernance. The alignment trend implies, on the other hand, the birth of a "post-modern",pluralist global law, resting on a foundation of fundamental rights. It is thus at the cost of suchdevelopments that an adapted regulation of labour relations will be achieved withintransnational companies, together with the emergence of a globalised social law.