This dissertation tests the theory that lithic raw materials were a strategic resource among the ancient Maya of Blue Creek, Belize that markedly influenced the development of socio-economic hierarchies at the site. Recent research has brought attention to the role of critical resource control as a mechanism contributing to the development of political economies among the ancient Maya. Such research has been primarily focused on the control of access to water and agricultural land. The examination of lithic raw materials as a critical economic resource is warranted as stone tools constituted a fundamental component of the ancient Maya economy. My research objectives include measuring raw material variability in the Blue Creek settlement zone and its immediate environs, assessing the amount of spatial and temporal variability present in the distribution of various raw materials, determining the degree to which proximity to a given resource influenced the relative level of its use, and testing whether differential resource access relates to variability in aggregate expressions of wealth. To meet these objectives, I examined 2136 formal stone tools and 24,944 pieces of debitage from excavations across the Blue Creek settlement zone, and I developed a lithic raw material type collection using natural outcrops. Significant spatial and temporal differences were observed in the use of various raw materials. Control of critical resources under conditions of scarcity is shown to have caused social stratification among the ancient Maya of Blue Creek. Initial disparities in use-right arrangements based on first occupancy rights produced substantial, accumulative inequality in economic capability and subsequent achievements. During the Early Classic period, these disproportionate allowances ultimately undermined the more egalitarian structure observed during the Preclassic. The Early Classic period at Blue Creek is characterized by increasing extravagance among the elites and increasing disenfranchisement throughout the hinterlands when compared to earlier periods. This suggests that elites at the site only became fully able to convert their resource monopolies into substantial gains in power, prestige, and wealth during the Classic period.

Title from PDF of title page. / Document formatted into pages; contains 260 pages. / Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. / Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format. / ABSTRACT: The study of prehistoric trade and exchange networks in the Western Mediterranean is directly linked to the identification and location of commodities available to Neolithic communities in that region. One of these commodities is a volcanic glass commonly known as obsidian. This investigation focused on the procurement, processing, and distribution of obsidian from the island of Pantelleria, situated between the southwestern coast of Sicily in the Straits of Sicily and the northeastern coast of Africa near Cape Bon, Tunisia. Previous studies indicate that there are several chemically different source areas on the island. Research involved the identification of primary obsidian deposits and the collection of samples from primary and/or secondary sources. / ABSTRACT: The position of each collection point was recorded using GPS coordinates, photographs, and physical descriptions, including accessibility and geological matrix. Additional information regarding the size, frequency, and grade (i.e. quality for tool production) was also noted. / System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.

My dissertation project utilizes a theoretical perspective derived from historical ecology to explore the trajectory in prehistoric subsistence that began with the initial colonization of the region and eventually led to the domestication of indigenous plants, such as goosefoot and maygrass, roughly 5,000 calendar years ago. Because a major handicap for exploring prehistoric subsistence in eastern North America is the rarity of sites with preserved flora and fauna, I apply formal models derived from behavioral ecology to stone tool assemblages and archaeological site distributions to evaluate models that have been proposed for the emergence of domesticated plants. Based on my results, I argue that the origins of plant domestication came about within the context of a boom/bust cycle that has its roots in the Late Pleistocene and culminated in the Mid-Holocene. More specifically, warming climate caused a significant peak in the availability of shellfish, oak, hickory, and deer, which generated a "tipping point" during the Middle Archaic period where hunter-gatherer groups narrowed their focus on these resources. After this "boom" ended, some groups shifted to other plant resources that they could intensively exploit in the same manner as oak and hickory, which included the suite of plants that were subsequently domesticated. This is likely due the combined effects of increasing population and declining returns from hunting, which is evident in my analysis of biface technological organization and site distributions from the lower Tennessee and Duck River Valleys. Consequently, these conclusions are an alternative to Smith's (2011) assertion that plant domestication in eastern North America came about as a result of gradual niche construction with no evidence for resource imbalance or population packing.

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This study examines bifacial technology change at the Knob Creek site (12HR484) in Harrison County, Indiana, from the Late Archaic to Early Woodland periods. Through a statistical and attribute analysis of 2,620 lithic flakes it was possible to detect changes in the lithic reduction process over time. The analysis demonstrates that soft-hammer percussion becomes more prevalent during the Early Woodland component of the site. This is a significant change from the hard-hammer percussion industry of the Lower Late Archaic. The Terminal Archaic Riverton component in this study offers one of the few detailed flake-by-flake analyses for this poorly understood lithic tradition originally identified by Winters (1969) in the Wabash River Valley.

In the boreal forests of northeastern Alberta and northwestern Saskatchewan, one of the most abundant and reliable sources of lithic material was the Quarry of the Ancestors. This Quarry is located 50 km northwest of Ft. McMurray, AB and is the primary source of Beaver River Sandstone; a lithic raw material that dominates the archaeological stone tool and debitage assemblages in this region. Other lithic materials, such as quartzite, chert, and quartz, were accessible in gravel and glacial tills and in lakeshore and river beds scattered across northern Alberta and Saskatchewan. The analysis of stone tools from 31 archaeological sites spanning 260 km from the Quarry into the Descharme River system, in northwestern Saskatchewan, suggests that as pre-contact people moved across the landscape and away from the Quarry, they maintained and recycled their tools and used whatever other lithic resources were available. In contexts where there were issues with the availability, quality and abundance of lithic raw materials, the mobility of pre-contact hunter-gatherers may have been strongly influenced by the distribution of these lithic sources. However, the availability of food resources may have also been a strong influence over mobility patterns in circumstances where these lithic raw material issues were less marked. Northern Dene groups of this region are known to have travelled hundreds of kilometers seasonally following barren-ground caribou whose wintering grounds extended well into northwestern Saskatchewan. Through the distribution of lithic raw material and the analysis of lithic tool technology, I explore the role these two important resources had in shaping the overall organization of pre-contact hunter-gatherer mobility strategies employed in these two regions.

Microblades were a common feature of many lithic toolkits around the North Pacific during the late Pleistocene and early Holocene epochs. On Haida Gwaii, on British Columbia's North Coast, the earliest known microblades have been recovered from the Richardson Island site and date to approximately 8750 BP. Deep, well-defined stratigraphy at the site has provided a unique opportunity to observe a major technological shift as, between 8750 BP and 8500 BP, microblades gradually replaced the earlier bifacial toolkit and came to be a definitive aspect of the subsequent Moresby tradition technological suite. Several hypotheses have been presented, including microblades as a response to increasing raw material scarcity as a result of sea-level change, microblades as a technology imported by incoming Athapaskan speaking peoples, and microblades as an in situ design response to new subsistence practices brought about by ecological changes following the end of the last glaciation: a more durable, more deadly weapon well adapted to high-risk hunting activities. In this thesis I examine the possible reasons behind that shift in lithic technology. My analysis employs multiple lines of evidence to consider the theories. I examine the microblade assemblage and consider aspects of tool manufacture, use, and discard to determine how the microblades may have been used, and how they may relate to other microblade traditions in the region; I consider the paleoecology of southern Haida Gwaii during the early Holocene; and I use a set of controlled experiments to compare bifaces and slotted points in terms of durability and wound channel creation. / Graduate

The south-west portion of the main caldera was mapped and a stratigraphy for the caldera-fill was constructed. The exact timing of formation of the main caldera is unclear; However, caldera collapse either predates or was synchronous with the eruption of the Campagnola Tuff. The proximal facies of the Campagnola Tuff exists as a complex relation of ignimbrite, lithic breccia and pyroclastic surge deposits. Overlying this the Galluccio Tuff a compound ignimbrite, ~6 km3 D.R.E, forms the base of the exposed caldera fill. Caldera lakes then became well established and following activity was predominantly phreatomagmatic. Pyroclastic surge deposits possess sand wave structures of several types and their migration direction was apparently controlled by the velocity/flow regime of the surge rather than the moisutre content. The morphology of juvenile clasts from phreatomagmatic deposits indicates that the eruptions were driven by a combination of vesiculation and magma/water interaction. The uppermost pyroclastic deposits are thought to represent the early phase of dome building where water still had access to the vent. The construction of the lava domes brought activity to a close within the main caldera. The Galluccio Tuff on the flanks of the volcano may be divided into three compositionally distinct eruptive units. The Lower Galluccio Tuff, correlated with the bulk of the Galluccio Tuff filling the main caldera. The Middle Galluccio Tuff commenced with the eruption of pumice-rich pyroclastic flows followed by flows enriched in both the size and amount of lithic fragments forming lithic-rich ignimbrite and co-ignimbrite lithic breccias of which several types exist. The Upper Galluccio Tuff is composed of lithic-rich ignimbrite which possess dense pumice fragments and are thought to be the product of a combination of both vesiculation and magma water interaction. Field relations indicate that pyroclastic flows were sometimes generated in quick succession and may have overrun earlier slower moving flows. Occasionally internal shear may have caused the overriding of portions of the same flow, these often coincide with lithic breccias and represent the climax of the eruptive phases. The grading of lithic fragments indicates that the expansion and fluidization decreased and yield strength increased with time in a pyroclastic flow.