The establishment of the French Absolutism under King Louis XIV depended in part on pictorial representation generated by the French Academy. As a vehicle and institute of the state, the Academy created a canon of imagery, which was known throughout Europe. This enabled Louis XIV's image to be reversed by the creators of the satirical images. The makers of the reverse image appropriated the institutionalized styles and genres of royal portraiture to create innovative satirical images of the monarch using the very canon Louis XIV sanctioned. In its analysis of a small body of satirical imagery, the thesis draws on various theories about the body of the king proposed by Jean-Marie Apostolides, Ernst Kantorowicz and Louis Marin. A comparison of satirical images with official images of the king demonstrates the successful strategies of satirical imagery and the collective need for these kinds images in the seventeenth century.

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The main aim of this thesis is to examine the vision of history which is presented in the Mémoires of the due de Saint-Simon/ a work which describes life at the French court during the last years of the reign of Louis XIV and during the period of the Regency which followed the death of the Sun King (1691-1723). The thesis is a study based on a close reading of the text itselff using two methods to shed light on the different aspects of the subject. It begins with an investigation of the theme of paternity or fatherhood/ and the way in which this theme relates to the question of royal power/ focusing on the figure of the king himself as he appears in his various father roles: father of both a legitimate and an illegitimate line of children/ and father of his kingdom. The strongly religious and moralistic overtones of Saint-Simon's political and social convictions lead the memorialist to condemn what he sees as the chaos and social disorder resulting from the king's "confusion" of these differing paternal identities. The second half of the thesis is largely a stylistic analysis of two passages taken from the body of the Mémoires. For by examining the style of this work (at both a lexical and a syntactical level)/ one may begin to develop an insight into the way in which Saint-Simon interprets the events of his day in order to fit them into his larger vision of the history of the world. Certain stylistic traits in the text suggest a movement from the mere presentation and explanation of events to an interpretation of their deeper meaning. As well/ frequent references in the Mémoires to both Genesis and Revelations/ taken in conjunction with Saint-Simon's theologo-political view of society/ seem to indicate that the memorialist regards the reign of Louis XIV as being a playing-out/ in miniature/ of the history of the world/ from the Fall to a final confrontation between good and evil. Thus/ in the end/ Saint-Simon's constant need to interpret events leads him away from the simple explanation of causes/ towards the elaboration of a prophetic vision (or "apocalypse") : a dire warning issued to the monarchy and to the people of France as to the fate which may yet befall them, if the process of corruption begun by the Sun King himself is not somehow reversed. / Arts, Faculty of / French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of / Graduate

This dissertation seeks to explain how revisionist states attempt to prevent the intervention of other states – “third-party states” – that are not the victim of their plans. By engaging in a deep analysis of Louis XIV’s efforts to prevent third-party intervention before and during his War of Devolution, I have been able to build a theory that not only describes the strategies a revisionist may employ, but also explains how it decides which among them to use. In order to effectively select which of these strategies to implement against any particular third party, the revisionist will attempt to improve its belief about the third party by engaging in negotiations, where it deploys these strategies as offers which elicit telling responses from the third party. Despite the incentive to misrepresent private information, credible data can be transmitted during negotiations for a number of reasons, which I explain. With this improved belief, the revisionist can better choose which strategies have the highest probability of neutralizing that particular third-party state. To both demonstrate where my theory was inducted from and illustrate how it works in practice, I examine in high detail the negotiations Louis XIV’s France undertook against the United Provinces and Austria. Through granular analysis of the offers traded in these talks, one can better understand how a revisionist approaches the task of neutralization, making clear exactly how the mechanisms in my theory operate. This dissertation makes several important contributions: it helps to fill a conspicuous gap in the international relations literature, which has neglected the study of revisionists as strategic actors, and also offers important counterpoints to bargaining theory.

This thesis explores the influence of French royal image-making on English monarchies at the turn of the eighteenth century. It investigates the relevance of Louis XIV (r. 1643-1715) to English royal iconography during the reigns of William III (r. 1689-1702) and Queen Anne (r. 1702-1714) across a wide range of source material - from panegyric and portraiture, to medals, sculpture, and architecture. In doing so, it foregrounds the intricate interplay between political communication and different forms of artistic imagination in the early modern period. The thesis conceptualises the relation between post-revolutionary English monarchical image-making and its French counterpart as one of contest with and emancipation from French influence. The specific political circumstances add a particular poignancy to the investigation of this narrative, as the almost continual crises which the English monarchy suffered at the time stand in sharp contrast with the (dynastic) stability of the French monarchy and its highly influential court culture. Despite these elements of rupture and contrast, however, the story of seventeenth-century English monarchical image-making is one of continuity in respect of its gradual disengagement from the French model. In contrast to his immediate predecessors, I contend, William's image-making presents him as Louis's competitor, rather than his imitator. In the course of William's reign, Louis's monarchical model thus turns from model to foil. This development evolves further in Queen Anne's reign, culminating in Louis's mort avant la lettre, as Anne's image-making dispenses with the Ludovican model both as model and as foil. English post-revolutionary image-making, I argue, not only mirrored, but actively contributed to the decline of the Ludovican model, whilst maintaining the figure of the monarch as central to public political discourse. Through the lens of monarchical image-making, therefore, this thesis offers a critical outlook onto late seventeenth-century Anglo-French political and artistic relations.

The eighteenth century witnessed a sea change in the French economy. In the century prior, Louis XIV had overseen a tightly regulated feudal economy, explicitly engineered to augment the wealth and power of the reigning monarch. His finance minister, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, pioneered a decidedly Gallic form of mercantilism, marked by a system of privileged monopolies whose operations were subject to exacting state control. However, in the decades following the Sun King’s death, the Colbertist paradigm came under threat – eroded by a series of liberalizing initiatives that edged the French economy towards a capitalist modernity. As Enlightenment philosophers touted the freedom and meritocracy of laissez-faire economics, segments of the Third Estate pushed back against the regulations which circumscribed their social autonomy. This tension between capitalist aspiration and mercantilist malaise reached a tipping point in the French Revolution, where a wave of liberalizing reforms wiped away the last vestiges of the Colbertist system. The Ancien Régime’s crumbling network of privileges, monopolies, and feudal hierarchies was replaced by a system of property rights designed to promote entrepreneurialism, free enterprise, and upward mobility. Opera became a key site of deregulation under the Revolution’s capitalist reforms. During the grand siècle, opera functioned as an extension of the absolutist state, with the Académie Royale de Musique – ostensibly a court institution – claiming a total monopoly over operatic performance. However, over the course of the eighteenth century, this primacy was undermined as new competitors challenged its share of the market. The introduction of a state subsidy for the Comédie-Italienne, the growing market for regional and colonial opera (in Marseille, Bordeaux, Saint-Domingue, etc.), and the popularity of commercial entertainments (like the fairground and boulevard theaters) threatened the Académie Royale de Musique’s stranglehold over operatic production, paving the way for the free-market reforms of the Revolution. Finally, in 1791, Isaac René Guy Le Chapelier introduced legislation to liberalize the French theater industry, abolishing theatrical monopolies and ending state subsidies. Theater was now a capitalist enterprise. This dissertation interrogates the relationship between opera and capitalism in eighteenth-century France and its colonies. Taking the Le Chapelier law as its endpoint, it seeks to demonstrate why opera became a central focus of the Revolution’s deregulatory zeal. I position opera at the vanguard of eighteenth-century liberalization efforts, showing how it embraced new commercial techniques and adapted to emerging economic freedoms. A series of institutional histories chart opera’s gradual induction into the capitalist marketplace during the Enlightenment, highlighting institutions that played a pivotal role in challenging Colbertist economic policy. Ultimately, I argue that opera houses, increasingly entangled in nascent forms of French capitalism, became cheerleaders for the burgeoning free market, profiting from affectionate, glamorous, or downright utopian portrayals of commercial life. Opera and capitalism became locked in a self-replicating feedback loop: the more that operatic institutions became enmeshed in the rise of capitalism, the more they promoted capitalist ideals. Seven chapters, proceeding chronologically from the Regency to the Terror, examine vital flashpoints in the intersection of opera and capitalism in eighteenth-century France – culminating in a reappraisal of the Le Chapelier law and its effects on the opera industry. Traversing a range of operatic institutions – in the metropole and in the colonies – these case studies not only show how opera companies embraced capitalist business practices, but also how they reconfigured operatic aesthetics to champion laissez-faire ideologies. The first chapter triangulates the symbiotic relationship between the Théâtres de la Foire, the finance industry, and urban capitalism through an analysis of financier characters in vaudeville comedy. The second chapter situates the vocalizing body of Madame de Pompadour at the intersection of pastoral opera, Italianate musical aesthetics, and physiocratic economic thought, offering a close reading of the operas she commissioned for Théâtre des Petits Cabinets. Chapter 3 explores the forced merger of the Théâtres de la Foire and the Comédie-Italienne in 1762, suggesting that the new hybrid troupe weathered this institutional shift by staging opéras-comiques that depicted the commercial sector. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 turn to the colonial theaters of Saint-Domingue. First, I dissect the business practices of these commercial enterprises, highlighting their reliance on planter capital. Then, I outline the effects of this colonial capitalism on local operatic aesthetics, arguing that Caribbean troupes used promises of celebrity and spectacle to boost ticket sales. I demonstrate that theaters in Saint-Domingue used these unique aesthetic practices to promote a deregulated plantation economy in which planters exercised unmitigated control over enslaved workers. Finally, in Chapter 7, I return to the Comédie-Italienne (now rebranded the Opéra-Comique National) to examine the effects of the Le Chapelier law on theatrical policy during the Terror. Here, I challenge the assumption that the Montagnard regime reversed the economic freedoms wrought by the Le Chapelier law and reposition the revolutionary pièce de circonstance as a decidedly commercial operatic genre. Ultimately, I argue that opera played a vital role in bringing aspects of early capitalism into French public discourse during the eighteenth century. Over the course of this dissertation, I show that lyric theater, in representing a nascent free market onstage, inducted liberal fiscal dogma into the cultural psyche, entrenching it as a central facet of cultural modernity.

Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.

Les transformations qui interviennent en France à la suite des guerres de Religion modifient l’imbrication des sphères politique et religieuse. La scission entre protestants et catholiques, la triple reconstruction religieuse, nationale et étatique, les évolutions des pratiques et croyances religieuses ainsi que la nouvelle vigueur des gallicanismes induisent des mutations dans la dimension religieuse des conceptions du pouvoir royal entre le règne d’Henri IV et celui de Louis XIV, évolutions appréciables sur le plan symbolique. De 1589 à 1715, une iconographie abondante place le roi dans une situation religieuse, le met en rapport avec des personnages saints ou divins, ou souligne l’importance de son action en matière religieuse. Ces portraits du roi régnant ou de rois défunts, produits en des lieux disséminés sur le territoire métropolitain du XVIIe siècle, révèlent une autre image du pouvoir royal que l’iconographie plus amplement étudiée jusqu’ici. Elle intègre une sacralité héritée, fruit d’une longue construction médiévale dont l’importance se lit toujours au Grand Siècle, et des éléments neufs, qui passent en particulier par l’essor de cultes associant le roi et ses sujets, comme celui de saint Louis ou celui de Marie, marqué par le vœu de Louis XIII. Elle doit en outre se comprendre dans le cadre de l’évolution du droit divin, dans ses rapports avec l’autorité et le pouvoir du roi. L’image d’harmonie qui est élaborée témoigne de la place de cette iconographie dans la légitimation d’un ordre politique et social liant espace terrestre et monde céleste. La genèse de ces objets divers (peintures, sculptures, gravures, etc.), souvent éloignée de la cour, entretenant des relations parfois très ténues avec le pouvoir royal, ne peut être envisagée comme le fruit d’une propagande : elle souligne plutôt des fabrications collectives du portrait religieux du roi. Ainsi, cette thèse propose une histoire culturelle du politique, s’appuyant sur une approche iconographique intégrant les pratiques sociales et les théories politiques. / The transformations that occurred in France after the Wars of Religion altered the interweaving between the political and the religious spheres. The split between Protestants and Catholics, the rebuilding of the church, the nation and the state, the transformations of the religious beliefs and practices, and the new strength of the gallicanisms led to changes in the religious idea of the royal power between the reign of Henry IV and Louis XIV. These evolutions are assessable on a symbolic level. From 1589 to 1715, an abundant iconography places the monarch in a religious situation, puts him in touch with saints or God, or underlines the importance of his action in the religious field. These portraits of the reigning king or deceased kings, produced in dispatched places in the kingdom, reveal a different image of the royal power than the iconography that has most been studied up to now. It includes an inherited sacrality, built during the Middle Ages and still important in the 17th century, and new elements, which entail the growth of cults associating the monarch and his subjects, such as the cults of saint Louis and the Virgin Mary, marked by the vow of Louis XIII. It must furthermore be understood within the framework of the evolution of the divine right, in its links with the royal authority and power. It builds an image of harmony that shows the place of the iconography in the legitimization of a political and social order linking terrestrial and celestial spaces. The creation of these objects (paintings, sculptures, engravings, etc.), often far away from the court, often in loose relationships with the royal power, cannot be understood as propaganda: it rather emphasizes collective makings of the religious portrait of the king. Thus, this thesis offers a cultural history of the political field, leaning on an iconographic approach including social practices and political theories.