A proposta deste trabalho tem por objetivo a análise da trilogia das crônicas de Fernão Lopes (1380? 1460), a saber: a Crônica de D. Pedro I, a Crônica de D. Fernando e a Crônica de D. João I para se compreender a construção das imagens relacionadas ao exercício do poder régio delineadas por este cronista. Para além de registrar e ordenar a história do seu reino, Fernão Lopes tem como projeto a recuperação da memória da dinastia Avisina. A leitura da trilogia lopeana revela os caminhos que o cronista escolhe para reforçar a criação desta dinastia modelo, que servirá de espelho para a sua contemporaneidade e para as gerações futuras. Entendemos também que as representações do estado de Rey de cada monarca biografado presentes nestas narrativas são medidas essenciais para a revelação de como o cronista percebe formas e modos diferentes de se governar o reino. Estas prerrogativas ou a ausência delas faz com que o poder régio possa ser justificado e legitimado na prosa do cronista. Pretendemos aqui fazer a análise das três crônicas em conjunto, reconhecendo a importância de cada uma delas enquanto uma contribuição à construção da perspectiva evolutiva pretendida pelo cronista, a fim de se identificar a carga da intencionalidade no discurso lopeano, que é construído com base em símbolos e imagens do poder em cada capítulo de suas crônicas. / This work aims at analyzing the Lopes trilogy of chronicles (1380? - 1460), namely the Chronicle of D. Pedro I, the Chronicle of D. Fernando and the Chronicle of D. João I, in order to understand the construction of images related to the exercise of royal power outlined by this chronicler. In addition to recording and organizing the history of his kingdom, Fernão Lopess project is to recover the memory of the Avis dynasty. The reading of the Lopes trilogy reveals the ways in which the chronicler chooses to enhance the creation of this model of dynasty, which serves as a mirror to his contemporary and future generations. We also understand that the representations of the \"state of king\" of each monarch presented in these narratives are essential to reveal how the chronicler perceives the different forms and ways of ruling the kingdom. These requirements or the lack of them justify and legitimize the royal power within the chroniclers prose. In this work, we propose to analyze the profiles of the three kings as built by the medieval chronicler Fernão Lopes in his three chronicles. We intend to analyze these chronicles as a whole, recognizing the meaning of each one as a contribution to the construction of the diachronic perspective in the chroniclers speech. In that way we attempt to identify the charge of intention in Lopess speech, which is built on images and symbols of power in each chapter of his chronicles.

Le chapiteau ibéro-maghrébin apparaît aujourd’hui comme l’une des expressions les plus caractéristiques de la sculpture islamique médiévale : il connaît du IXe au XIVe siècle, avec une riche production, une incessante adaptation à son contexte politique et social ; il s’affirme ainsi comme un reflet privilégié de l’art islamique en Occident et de son évolution. Notre choix s’est porté sur cet élément architectural car il apparaît comme un élément clé — membre d’architecture et œuvre ornementale à la fois — pour appréhender l’art et les techniques du monde ibéro-maghrébin du bas Moyen Age confrontée à la poussée chrétienne des XIIIe et XIVe siècles. Seules les villes nasrides, mérinides et abd al-wadides échappent aux reconquêtes du XIIIe siècle. Le chapiteau constitue l’un des témoins de ce nouveau contexte historique et géographique de l’art islamique d’Occident. Pour mieux saisir ce phénomène, nous avons pris le parti d’étudier les chapiteaux islamiques ibéro-maghrébins dans une perspective diachronique. Ils apparaissent comme le fruit d’une longue évolution que nous avons tenté de saisir dans sa globalité avant de mettre en lumière, à partir d’un catalogue raisonné, la production des trois émirats et des diverses écoles développées au bas Moyen Age. La perspective ibéro-maghrébine retenue a permis d’établir une grille de classement typologique inédite, qui englobe toute la zone visée. Elle met en lumière une évidente évolution et une diversité qui révèle les particularismes liés à la vitalité de foyers d’art sans cesse plus nombreux. Cette évolution, marquée par bien des diversifications régionales, témoigne, au reste aussi bien, de riches échanges entre les émirats de l’aire culturelle ibéro-maghrébine. / The Ibero-Maghrebian capital is one of the most characteristic forms of medieval Islamic sculpture. Prolifically produced from the 9th to the 14th century, it was constantly adapted to its social and political context, and became a prime reflection of Islamic art in the West and its evolution. In the present work I chose to focus on this architectural element because it is key, as at once architectural member and ornamental work, to understanding the art and techniques of the Ibero-Maghrebian world of the Low Middle Ages, and notably its confrontation with the Christian push of the 13th and 14th centuries. Only Nasrid, Marinid and Zayyanid cities escaped the reconquests of the 13th century, and the capital is one of the reflections of this new historical and geographical context for Islamic art in the West. To better grasp this phenomenon, I chose to study Ibero-Maghrebian Islamic capitals from a diachronic perspective. These capitals are the fruit of a long process of evolution, which I describe overall before examining the production of the three emirates and the various schools developed in the Low Middle Ages. By taking an Ibero-Maghrebian perspective, I was able to establish a novel typological framework which encompasses productions throughout the entire area. It highlights clear change over time and a diversity that reflects particularisms linked to the vitality of increasingly numerous centres of production. This evolution, marked by many regional diversifications, testifies to the rich exchanges between the emirates of the Ibero-Maghrebian cultural space.

A proposta deste trabalho tem por objetivo a análise da trilogia das crônicas de Fernão Lopes (1380? 1460), a saber: a Crônica de D. Pedro I, a Crônica de D. Fernando e a Crônica de D. João I para se compreender a construção das imagens relacionadas ao exercício do poder régio delineadas por este cronista. Para além de registrar e ordenar a história do seu reino, Fernão Lopes tem como projeto a recuperação da memória da dinastia Avisina. A leitura da trilogia lopeana revela os caminhos que o cronista escolhe para reforçar a criação desta dinastia modelo, que servirá de espelho para a sua contemporaneidade e para as gerações futuras. Entendemos também que as representações do estado de Rey de cada monarca biografado presentes nestas narrativas são medidas essenciais para a revelação de como o cronista percebe formas e modos diferentes de se governar o reino. Estas prerrogativas ou a ausência delas faz com que o poder régio possa ser justificado e legitimado na prosa do cronista. Pretendemos aqui fazer a análise das três crônicas em conjunto, reconhecendo a importância de cada uma delas enquanto uma contribuição à construção da perspectiva evolutiva pretendida pelo cronista, a fim de se identificar a carga da intencionalidade no discurso lopeano, que é construído com base em símbolos e imagens do poder em cada capítulo de suas crônicas. / This work aims at analyzing the Lopes trilogy of chronicles (1380? - 1460), namely the Chronicle of D. Pedro I, the Chronicle of D. Fernando and the Chronicle of D. João I, in order to understand the construction of images related to the exercise of royal power outlined by this chronicler. In addition to recording and organizing the history of his kingdom, Fernão Lopess project is to recover the memory of the Avis dynasty. The reading of the Lopes trilogy reveals the ways in which the chronicler chooses to enhance the creation of this model of dynasty, which serves as a mirror to his contemporary and future generations. We also understand that the representations of the \"state of king\" of each monarch presented in these narratives are essential to reveal how the chronicler perceives the different forms and ways of ruling the kingdom. These requirements or the lack of them justify and legitimize the royal power within the chroniclers prose. In this work, we propose to analyze the profiles of the three kings as built by the medieval chronicler Fernão Lopes in his three chronicles. We intend to analyze these chronicles as a whole, recognizing the meaning of each one as a contribution to the construction of the diachronic perspective in the chroniclers speech. In that way we attempt to identify the charge of intention in Lopess speech, which is built on images and symbols of power in each chapter of his chronicles.

A través de la transcripción, edición y estudio exhaustivo de los cuestionarios de visita pastoral de Tortosa de 1314, de Gerona de 1329, del sínodo de Tarragona de 1372, de Valencia de 1383-1388, de Tortosa de 1409, de Jaume Marquilles (Barcelona) de 1413-1414, del "llibre de la cadena" (Barcelona) de 1425 y de Zaragoza de 1435, se pone de manifiesto la existencia de unas mismas directrices reformadoras de la iglesia y de la religión católica en todas las diócesis de la provincia eclesiàstica Tarraconense y de los antiguos reinos de la Corona de Aragón desde la celebración del IV Concilio de Letrán (1215) hasta el inicio del Concilio de Trento (1545). La reforma se concreta en los siguientes puntos de forma paralela en todas las diócesis de la Tarraconense, aunque podemos distinguir dos períodos claramente diferenciados: a) Desde el concilio de Lérida de 1229 hasta la vigilia del Cisma de Occidente: el esfuerzo reformador se centró en la moralidad del clero y su misión pastoral, y en la moralidad personal y social de los laicos, las visitas se asemejan a procesos eclesiásticos; b) Desde los inicios del Cisma de Occidente hasta la vigilia del concilio de Trento: el esfuerzo reformador se centró en los aspectos jurídicos y económicos de los beneficios, en la formación teológica sacramental de los curados y, muy especialmente, en la visitatio rerum, con la finalidad de implantar una política de la decoración que dirigía y promovía el incipiente culto eucarístico propio de las devociones populares del momento que, en muchos aspectos, se avanzó a la reforma del Concilio de Trento. No obstante, entre estos dos períodos y el que se inicia con el concilio de Trento, hay más continuidades que rupturas. / Through transcription, edition and exhaustive study of pastoral visits questionnaires of Tortosa in 1314, of Girona in 1329, of the synod of Tarragona in 1372, of Valencia from 1383 until 1388, of Tortosa in 1409, of Jaume Marquilles (Barcelona) from 1413 until 1414, of the "Llibre de la cadena" (Barcelona) in 1425 and of Zaragoza in 1435, the existence of the same church reformation directions and of the Catholic religion in all the diocese of the ecclesiastical province of Tarragona and of the ancient Kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon from the celebration of the Ivth Council of Letran (1215) until the begining of the Council of Trento (1545) is stated. The reformation is produced in a parallel way in all the diocese of Tarragona, although we can single out two clearly distinctive periods: a) From the Lleida Council in 1229 until the vigil of the western schism: the reformation effort was centered in the morality of the clergy and their pastoral mission, and in the social and personal morality of the laymen, the visits are similar to ecclesiastical processes; b) From the initial times of the western schism until the vigil of the Trento Council: the reformation effort was centered in the legal and economic sides of the benefits, in the theological and sacramental education of the priests and especially in the "visitatio rerum" with the intention of stating a decoration policy that was ruling and was promoting the incipient eucharistic cult typical from the popular devotions of the times, and in many ways, it was put forward to the reform of the Trento Council. There is more continuity rather than breaking.