Migration, as a theory to explain aspects in the archaeological record, has fallen out of favor in Mesoamerican archaeology, possibly due to a lack of a standard definition or description of migration. Migration as an explanation of change in Maya civilizations has been around since the 1950's and the culture-history era of American archaeology. Since the early 1990's, migration has been treated as a process, one that can be discerned in pre-literate cultures as well as historical ones. Models of the migration process are being developed and tested. One type of migration, elite dominance migration, is a particularly suitable process to study in Mesoamerica. A model of elite dominance migration might include the following attributes: advance contact by the migrating culture, migration to a center, maintenance of contact with the sending population, spatial concentration of the incoming population, migration of a selected population of elites, and a cause or push factor. To find these attributes, the receiving population is studied to determine if there are multiple changes in the material record consistent with an intrusion of an outside group. And, there should be a rough chronological correlation between the sending and receiving populations. The Maya site of Chichén Itzá is a classic case study, and provides a starting point as a possible receiving population of an elite dominance migration. There is an abundance of scholarship devoted to the question of the relationship between Chichén Itzá and Tula, Hidalgo, in Central Mexico. The iconographic similarities between the two sites are numerous and have been thoroughly discussed in the literature. But, there is much more evidence that should be examined in applying a model of elite dominance, such as architecture, artifacts (including ceramics and obsidian), burial and caching practices, and site configuration. Comparing all of these categories at the two sites, one reaches two conclusions: there are multiple lines of evidence for change in the material record across the spectrum of categories at Chichén Itzá, and, to a lesser extent, at Tula, Hidalgo, indicating a population intrusion. And, secondly, there are abundant similarities in architecture, caching practices, ceramics, and other aspects of the material record that support the assertion of strong contacts between the two sites. Applying the model of elite dominance migration to Chichén Itzá, the majority of the markers for this type of migration can be seen in the material record of the site, as well as the site of Tula, Hidalgo. Chichén Itzá has the attributes of a receiving population, with an elite dominance migration of Central Mexican people taking place there, either from Tula, Hidalgo or from a third, as yet unspecified site that impacted both Chichén Itzá and Tula.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

A much debated and sensationalized aspect of Classic period Maya history pertains to the understanding of the intersections between foodways, agriculture and collapse. Traditional collapse models focusing on large city centers follow the framework of environmental degradation as a result of swidden agriculture and maize monocropping leading to the Classic period Maya collapse. New research utilizing paleoethnobotanical methodologies has begun to create the foundation for a new understanding of collapse. During the Classic period an amalgamation of agricultural methods including agroforestry, homegardens and milpas coupled with a broad range of food crop species such as manioc, arrowroot, sweet potato, lerén, and canna enabled resiliency of Classic period Maya communities. In the Usumacinta River region within the southern Maya lowlands, Budsilha, a smaller secondary political center of Piedras Negras, provides the ideal location to study Classic period subsistence strategies and plant use. The purpose of this study was to determine which plants were consumed and present in the environment during the Classic period and the role of maize in subsistence relative to wild taxa and root crops. Microbotanical analysis of phytoliths and starch grains recovered from artifact residues, human teeth, and sediments provided evidence of diverse subsistence and agricultural practices. Maya people inhabiting Budsilha during the Classic period grew various drought-resistant crops such as manioc, alongside expected crops like maize. These findings have implications for understanding Classic period Maya foodways, plant use, and the framing of Maya societal “collapse”. Understanding how Maya communities were able to sustain large populations during climatic shifts can provide possible solutions for countries undergoing similar stresses today. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / Plant residues recovered from the archaeological record, have the potential to provide valuable information about a wide range of human-plant activities. Microscopic botanical residues were extracted from sediments and artifacts recovered from Maya archaeological contexts at the Classic period site of Budsilha, Chiapas, Mexico to track plant use and agricultural production. I targeted phytoliths (fossilized plant cells), and starch grains (a plant’s sugar storage unit) which allow for various plant taxa and species to be identified based on their distinctive morphology. This research contributed to the archaeology of the Maya area by providing new information about plant use and agricultural production. Moreover, mapping plant use during the highly populated and possibly environmentally-stressed Maya lowlands during the Classic Period (250-900 CE) reveals how ancient people were able to sustain large populations. This research can provide new insights into best practices in agriculture and environmental sustainability today.

During the 2019 field season of the Chan Chich Archaeological Project (CCAP)/Belize Estates Archaeological Survey Team's (BEAST) work in northwestern Belize, excavations commenced at an elite household at the site of Gallon Jug, named Courtyard B-1. Excavations revealed intriguing details about the lives of the inhabitants through the presence of burials, ceramics, architecture, and – as is central to this research – Patolli boards. Patolli, a prehistoric game of chance played throughout Mesoamerican, is a relatively under researched topic within the field of archaeology. In this thesis I argue that the patolli boards at Gallon Jug portray evidence of elite competition and shifts to social dynamics at the site. Through the analysis of setting, symbolism and the available data regarding patolli across the Maya region, this research shows that even something as seemingly mundane as a game of chance can yield valuable insights into the lives of those who played them.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.