Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Manuscript. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter （一） --- 問題的提出 --- p.1 / Chapter （二） --- 研究的中心 --- p.5 / Chapter （三） --- 研究的範圍及方法 --- p.7 / Chapter （四） --- 研究的局限 --- p.9 / Chapter （五） --- 全文的結構 --- p.13 / Chapter 第二章 --- 建國 Nation Building 的理論 --- p.17 / Chapter 第一節 --- 卡爾⁾ة代卓 Karl Deutsch 等人的建國理論。 --- p.18 / Chapter 第二節 --- 建國理論的檢討 --- p.82 / Chapter 第三章 --- 馬克思主義傳統中的民族國家问題 --- p.106 / Chapter 第一節 --- 民族̐£國家̐£民族國家的定義 --- p.108 / Chapter 第二節 --- 民族運動及民族國家的歷史發展過程 --- p.133 / Chapter 第三節 --- 馬克思主義的民族问題及民族綱領 --- p.149 / Chapter （一） --- 一八四八年民族運動´ؤ´ؤ馬克思 的民族運動綱領。 --- p.152 / Chapter （二） --- 二十世紀帝國主義階段的民族问題──列寧的民族運動綱領。 --- p.167 / Chapter 第四節 --- 建國理論的綜合 --- p.182 / Chapter 第四章 --- 民族解放革命理論(一)──毛澤東一九二四年至一九三七年著作分析 --- p.131 / Chapter 第一節 --- 一九二四年至一九二七年第一次國內革命戰爭時期。 / Chapter 第二節 --- 一九二七年至一九三七年：第二次國內革命戰爭時期。 / Chapter 第三節 --- 一九二四年至一九三六年著作的歸納 / Chapter 第五章 --- 民族解放革命理論(二)──毛澤東一九三七至一九四五年著作分析 --- p.488 / Chapter 第一節 --- 一九三七年至一九四五年中國社會̐£歷史實況 --- p.498 / Chapter 第二節 --- 毛澤東著作內容分析 --- p.534 / Chapter （一） --- 抗日民族統一戰綫問題 --- p.541 / Chapter （二） --- 抗日民族戰爭的戰略問題 --- p.580 / Chapter （三） --- 抗日戰爭中中國共產黨的黨，軍，政問題。 --- p.608 / Chapter （四） --- 中國革命的方向´ؤ´ؤ新民主主義 --- p.643 / Chapter 第三節 --- 一九二四年至一九四五年著作的總結及引伸 --- p.668 / Chapter 第六章 --- 毛澤東的建國理論 --- p.679 / Chapter 第一節 --- 毛澤東的建國理論 --- p.680 / Chapter （一） --- 為甚麼建國？ --- p.685 / Chapter （二） --- 誰人去建立屬於誰人的國家？ --- p.688 / Chapter （三） --- 怎樣建國？ --- p.694 / Chapter （四） --- 建立怎麼樣的民族國家？ --- p.704 / Chapter 第二節 --- 毛澤東的建國理論與西方社會科學家(卡爾⁾ة代卓等人)的對比 --- p.710 / Chapter 第三節 --- 毛澤東的建國理論與馬克思主義的建國理論的比對 --- p.732 / ´ؤ´ؤ結語´ؤ´ؤ --- p.742

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Most analysts study leadership succession in communist states as a "crisis" which ensues after the death of a dominant leader. This study takes an alternative approach. It is a survey of provisions for leadership succession in the People's Republic, of China. This involves a comparison of the strategies and motivations of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping in providing for their own succession. Deng Xiaoping's more extensive provisions for leadership succession during the CCP's transition towards a more institutionalized one-party bureaucratic rule are likely to be more durable than Mao's provisions in the earlier period. Nevertheless, guarantees of smooth and regularized succession, especially of protégés promoted on the basis of personal ties within the leadership core, may be impossible to obtain. Mao's provisions were aimed largely at what he saw as a probable, but deplorable, bureaucratic future of the PRC. Deng, on the other hand, perceives an element of opportunity in the succession process. He has tried to provide leadership that will, in his estimation, be better able to bring about China's modernization. In both leaders' provisions for succession, the elevation to the status of "heir apparent" of individuals has been a political liability to those individuals, especially when their promotion is perceived to be based largely on personal ties to the dominant leader. This liability becomes more pronounced in a period of bureaucratic, collective leadership. Because of his shifting policy preferences, his status as charismatic leader, and the ambitious nature of his protégés, Mao Zedong was unsuccessful in providing for his own succession. Deng Xiaoping, on the other hand, has been successful in cultivating a reserve of young, well-educated cadres. These provisions, because they are extensive and exist in a more subdued, consensus-oriented political environment, may well be Deng's most enduring legacy. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

China is a leading producer of alternative energy in the present day, while much of its economic rise under the CCP in the late 20th century was driven by the successful development of domestic coal and gas resources in the 1960s and 70s. But the drive to secure autonomous sources of energy to propel economic development and protect national security well predates China’s transition to socialism at midcentury. This dissertation explores the emergence of technocratic state rule in 20th century China by investigating the development of a biofuel industry designed to ensure energy security during war with imperial Japan. During the early to mid-1930s, Chiang Kai-Shek’s KMT government began supporting scientific research on ethanol-based biofuel production as a means of preserving fuel supplies should Japanese forces successfully blockade supply routes into the country during wartime. As exactly this scenario came to pass in the late 1930s, a network of more than 100 private and state-run ethanol plants were constructed along new roadways spanning the country’s southwestern interior. By 1945, millions of gallons a year of ethanol-based “dongli jiujing” fueled the logistical chains of both Chinese and US troops stationed throughout the China theater. The fusion of statecraft and science manifested in the dongli jiujing program both points forward to state-led energy and heavy industrial development in the 1950s and 1960s under Mao’s CCP, and represents one of the top accomplishments of KMT agencies like the National Resources Commission, a powerful technocratic agency which held up the wartime biofuel industry as a paradigmatic example of successful state-led economic development. While scholarship on heavy industry in China often focuses on the latter half of the 20th century, this dissertation demonstrates that by the mid 1930s, the development of the biofuel industry welded political visions for a sovereign, industrially powerful China with the technical expertise of chemists and microbiologists at the National Bureau of Industrial Research (NBIR), a state funded institution for applied science research oriented at developing heavy industries. And it points out that many of the scientists involved in the dongli jiujing program would continue development work in fields like agricultural chemistry and the biochemical industry under the CCP. Engaging with and contributing to recent scholarship on the history of science and technology in Asia, “Mobilizing Microbes” also traces the global circulation of fermentation-related knowledge that informed NBIR attempts to harness microbial life for the industrial production of alcohol. And finally, it explores connections that brought together in unexpected ways the craft knowledge and practices of China’s domestic brewing industry with modernizing visions for a powerful, fully sovereign China propounded by scientists and statesmen as the midpoint of the 20th century drew near.

This dissertation examines how the complex relations between the problem of the “culture worker” (wenyi gongzuozhe) and the challenges of socialist political economy were articulated and navigated in the Chinese Revolution. The point of historical and conceptual departure for this dissertation is Mao’s Talks at the Yan’an Conference on Literature and Art in 1942. I argue that the Talks provided a conceptual vocabulary for the problem of cultural production that revolved around the problematic of “life” (shenghuo) as the site of possibility for the fashioning of the culture worker under socialism. The demand that intellectuals “enter into life” (shenru shenghuo) necessitated that writers spend long periods labouring amongst workers and peasants, a demand that sought to suspend an understanding of the masses as a reified abstraction. By the same token, this demand called for a transformation of the culture worker, as well, which was to be felt at the level of subjectivity and embodied experience. The goal was that cultural production might itself be able to intervene in the production of new kinds of social relations, above all relations of labour. The dissertation demonstrates that, across the sustained cultural and economic experiment that was Chinese socialism, the cultural itself became reconfigured as a site of labour as it frequently placed demands upon intellectuals to give up a privileged existence, in order that their bodies and pens might move to a new set of social rhythms and temporalities.

Lee Wai Kit Clifford. / "Architecture Department, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Master of Architecture Programme 2000-2001, design report." / Includes bibliographical references. / Initiation --- p.5 / Introduction --- p.6-7 / About Mao Zedong --- p.8 / Mao's Time Line --- p.9 / Chapter PART I --- Commercialization of Mao Zedong --- p.10-12 / Commercialization of Mao's Image --- p.13-15 / Commercialization of Mao's History --- p.16-25 / Commercialization of Mao's Thought --- p.26-39 / Chapter PART II --- Design Report --- p.40-41 / Shopping Mao --- p.42-47 / Anti-Monopolism --- p.48-53 / The Mass Line --- p.54-67 / The Self Cultivation --- p.68-79 / Appendi x --- p.80-89 / Bib1iography --- p.90-91

Based on newfound family letters, factory archives, oral history, and offiicial publications in Shanghai and other Chinese cities, this dissertation examines how urban Chinese families weathered the economic aftermath of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution by negotiating with the austerity measures, official ideology, and street-level bureaucracy. Such multivalent negotiations gave rise to "xiaokang", a “Confucianized” doctrine of depoliticized economic development, providing a durable basis for socialist China’s integration with the capitalist world order. A Shanghai-focused history of urban household economy and grassroots ideology in socialist China, this dissertation explains how urban families shaped modern China’s state-society dynamics and charted China’s unique transition away from Communism. Urban families’ experiences in late Maoist China were profoundly shaped by “revolutionary austerity”, characterized by ideological mobilization of urban families to bear the costs of Mao’s continuous revolution. By separating millions of teenagers from their families, the send-down youths movement (1968-1980) marked the austerity's apex. Instead of continuing the revolution, the send-down youths movement and other revolutionary austerity measures transformed urban families into smaller, more efficient, and depoliticized economic units. Once the ideologically disillusioned and economically strained sent-down youths negotiated the difficult bureaucratic terrain to achieve family reunion, they reinvested the virtue of sacrifice to the “possessive vision” of family life and the cultivation of their single child. By examining eight collections of Mao-era family letters in the context of larger historical processes, this dissertation demonstrates a significant shift in the late Maoist household economy and grassroots sentiments undergirding China’s "xiaokang" ideology.

羅欣欣. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院藝術學部, 1998. / 附參考文獻. / 中英文摘要. / Luo Xinxin. / 序言 --- p.1 / 論文摘要 --- p.2 / 插圖目錄 --- p.5 / 緒論 --- p.14 / Chapter 第一章 --- 中共建國前的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1927-1949) / Chapter I. --- 毛澤東政治地位的確立 --- p.28 / Chapter II. --- 土地革命戰爭時期(1927-1937)：毛澤東繪畫圖像的起源 --- p.30 / Chapter III. --- 抗口戰爭時期(1937-1945)的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.31 / Chapter 1 . --- 魯藝木刻工作團的成立1938 --- p.32 / Chapter 2. --- 晉西北木刻工廠1941 --- p.33 / Chapter 3. --- 《延安文藝座談會上的講話》1942 --- p.34 / Chapter 4. --- 赤色郵政 1944 --- p.40 / Chapter 5. --- 中共黨報 1945 --- p.41 / Chapter IV. --- 全國解放戰爭時期(1945-1949)的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.43 / 小結 --- p.47 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中共建國後的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1949-1966) / Chapter I. --- 中華人民共和國成立初年的毛澤東繒畫圖像發展 --- p.53 / Chapter 1. --- 中華人民共和國的成立194 9 --- p.53 / Chapter a. --- 延安藝術傳統的毛澤東漫畫圖像 --- p.54 / Chapter b. --- 王朝聞的繪畫領袖像指示 --- p.56 / Chapter 2. --- 土地改革 1950-1952 --- p.59 / Chapter a. --- 新年畫創作運動 --- p.59 / Chapter 3. --- 建國初年的整黨整風1950-52 --- p.66 / Chapter a. --- 革命歷史畫創作計劃 --- p.67 / Chapter II. --- 中蘇親密外交下的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.70 / Chapter 1. --- 全盤蘇化1950-55 --- p.70 / Chapter a. --- 蘇聯宣傳畫的影響 --- p.70 / Chapter b. --- 蘇聯油畫的影響 --- p.72 / Chapter c. --- 蘇聯領袖像選材的影響 --- p.74 / Chapter III. --- 中共社會經濟改革下的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.76 / Chapter 1. --- 第一個五年計劃1953-1957 --- p.76 / Chapter a. --- 中國畫的改造 --- p.78 / Chapter b. --- 油畫民族化 --- p.81 / Chapter 2. --- 大躍進及人民公社運動1958-60 --- p.84 / Chapter 3. --- 社會主義教育運動1962-65 --- p.88 / Chapter a. --- 革命歷史繪畫運動 --- p.59 / 小結 --- p.91 / Chapter 第三章 --- 文革時期的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1966-1976) / Chapter I. --- 文化大革命發動的原因 --- p.105 / Chapter 1. --- 文化大革命序幕：海瑞罷官1965 --- p.105 / Chapter 2. --- 毛澤東個人崇拜 --- p.107 / Chapter II. --- 文革時期毛澤東繪畫圖像的發展 --- p.107 / Chapter 1. --- 紅衛兵運動1966 --- p.107 / Chapter a. --- 紅衛兵藝術 --- p.108 / Chapter b. --- 《毛澤東思想照亮安源工人革命運動展覽》 --- p.113 / Chapter c. --- 「紅、光、亮」的藝術手法 --- p.115 / Chapter 2. --- 工農兵領導下的文化大革命1969 --- p.117 / Chapter a. --- 工農兵繪畫運動 --- p.118 / Chapter 3. --- 毛澤東的親密戰友一林彪的叛變1971 --- p.124 / Chapter 4. --- 毛澤東的接班人一華國鋒1976 --- p.125 / 小結 --- p.126 / Chapter 第四章 --- 文革後及改革開放時期的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1976-1997) / Chapter I. --- 文革後的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.132 / Chapter 1. --- 後文革時期的藝術1976-1978 --- p.132 / Chapter a. --- 《熱烈慶祝華國鋒同志任中央主席、中央軍委主席 、熱烈慶祝粉碎四人幫篡黨奪權陰謀的偉大勝 利全國美術作品展覽》 --- p.133 / Chapter b. --- 《慶祝中國人民解放軍建軍50周年美術作品展覽》 --- p.134 / Chapter c. --- 毛主席紀念堂的落成 --- p.136 / Chapter d. --- 《毛主席永遠活在我們心中´ؤ毛主席逝世一周 年美術作品展覽》 --- p.137 / Chapter 2. --- 傷痕藝術1978-1979 --- p.139 / Chapter 3. --- 星星美展1979-1980 --- p.140 / Chapter II. --- 改革開放時期的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.141 / Chapter 1. --- 美術新思潮下的毛澤東圖像 --- p.141 / Chapter a. --- 後八九的中國新藝術一政治波普中的毛澤東圖像 --- p.143 / Chapter b. --- 毛澤東藝術圖像的拍賣熱潮 --- p.151 / Chapter 2. --- 宮方持續創作的毛澤東繪畫圖像 --- p.152 / 小結 --- p.156 / 結語 --- p.161 / 附錄一 ：1.中國藝術史中毛澤東書法圖像的社會文化意義 --- p.1-1 / 2.美術展覽中的毛澤東繪畫圖像畫目 --- p.1-6 / 附錄二：參考書目 --- p.2-1 / 附錄三：現代中國藝術史中毛澤東繪畫圖像畫目 --- p.3-1 / 附錄四：圖版 --- p.4-1