Submitted by Cynthia Nascimento (cyngabe@ufba.br) on 2013-02-15T13:44:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marilia Mattos.pdf: 1383432 bytes, checksum: 8f12a8adc360ed2ee1449731d38aa2b3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Fatima Cleômenis Botelho Maria (botelho@ufba.br) on 2013-02-18T16:19:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Marilia Mattos.pdf: 1383432 bytes, checksum: 8f12a8adc360ed2ee1449731d38aa2b3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-02-18T16:19:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marilia Mattos.pdf: 1383432 bytes, checksum: 8f12a8adc360ed2ee1449731d38aa2b3 (MD5) / A tese investiga a relação do mito Frankenstein com configurações identitárias, ditas "pós-humanas", da cultura ocidental. O capítulo inicial focaliza as principais características do mito frankensteiniano, tais como a questão do duplo, a noção de monstro e a de herói trágico, assim como o conflito entre o Romantismo e o Iluminismo. Em "Monstros e máquinas" são abordados androides ficcionais da literatura e do cinema, relacionando-os a correntes epistemológicas da Inteligência Artificial e a Frankenstein. Também é enfocado o subgênero literário "Ficção Científica", buscando-se compreender sua especificidade. O último capítulo concentra-se no pop star Michael Jackson, que é lido como uma versão pós-moderna de Frankenstein, pois se recria incessantemente através da ciência. Jackson é analisado a partir de videoclipes e de dados biográficos e considerado uma atualização contemporânea do herói trágico dionisíaco apontado por Nietzsche / Universidade Federal da Bahia. Instituto de Letras. Salvador-Ba, 2010.

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The aim of this dissertation is to shed light on an oft-overlooked aspect of Hobbes’ and Locke’s educational theories. Specifically, this dissertation examines the role of mothers in Hobbes’ Locke’s, and Wollstonecraft’s political theories and defends the claim that mothers have an overlooked, important role to play in civic society insofar as they contribute to educating children to become good members of civic society. To date, scholars working on Hobbes and Locke have largely focused on only one type of education and its relationship to civic society. Specifically, they have focused on civic education. Civic education refers to formal programs, such as day school or university curricula aimed at molding individuals into citizens or subjects, capable of sustaining a thriving commonwealth. However, when scholars focus on civic education, they miss part of the story surrounding how Hobbesian and Lockean education is implemented because not all of their educational program can be contained in formal schooling. In the Chapters 1 and 2 of the dissertation, I show that mothers play a role in educating future subjects and citizens in Hobbes’ and Locke’s theories by means of what I call civic socialization. Civic socialization refers to the informal processes by which children are educated to become good subjects and citizens who contribute to the wellbeing and stability of the commonwealth. In Chapter 3, I consider whether mothers’ role in civic socialization is compatible with early modern, liberal theories. Insofar as Hobbes and Locke are early modern, liberal thinkers, they maintain that men and women are naturally equal. However, mothers’ role in civic socialization often results in their subordination to fathers. Mary Wollstonecraft, although a figure in modern philosophy, is useful for showing this tension. In her theory, even when mothers are highly educated, their role in civic socialization often means that mothers must use their education for the benefit of their children and not for themselves. / 2020-11-27T00:00:00Z

The Sentimental/Gothic myth, which dominates much of English and American literature during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, represents a cultural attempt to achieve unity, but the attempt is foredoomed because the essence of the myth is division. The myth's metaphor is sexual. The division that forms the acknowledged basis of the myth is that between two modes of being, seen as sexual modes: masculinity (power, aggression, violence, energy, dominance, etc.) and femininity (attraction, passivity, submissiveness, etc.). The unity sought by the myth on its acknowledged level is domestic harmony, the infusion of masculine strength into feminine passivity, the taming of masculine power by feminine submissiveness. Thus the myth regardsmarriage as the perfect state and the family as the perfect model of cultural unity. But the myth itself is flawed by a further division, of which the masculine/feminine division is actually a reflection: this is a division of the conscious, Sentimental myth from the largely unconscious Gothic myth. The Gothic, reversing the acknowledged direction of the myth (or carrying it full-circle to its inevitable conclusion), seeks the destruction of femininity by masculinity, the throwing off of feminine submissiveness by masculine violence. Thus it regards death(the "marriage" of murderer and victim) as the perfect state, and sterility, the blasted family, as the perfect model of unity.Mary Shelley's Frankenstein reflects both mythic divisions and their close interrelationship. Its hero seeks to establish his Sentimental masculinity and to achieve domestic unity, but in doing so creates the Gothic Monster who destroys the creator's beloved, his family, and finally drains life from the hero himself. Frankenstein, in form, themes, and characterization, reflects the ironies by which the Sentimental/Gothic myth is divided against itself, and shows the tragic consequences of its divisions.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Aberdeen University, 2009. / Title from web page (viewed on Sep. 2, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Duquesne University, 2009. / Title from document title page. Abstract included in electronic submission form. Includes bibliographical references (p. 158-171) and index.

Mary Wollstonecraft’s ghost haunts women’s writing of the Romantic period. After her untimely death in 1797, and the publication of William Godwin’s candid biography in 1798, Wollstonecraft’s reputation was besmirched by the reactionary press in an attack on radical support for revolutionary ideals. Wollstonecraft’s campaign for women’s rights was conflated with a representation of her as sexually promiscuous, politically dangerous and religiously unorthodox. For women writing after Wollstonecraft’s death, an engagement with her political ideals risked identification with her lifestyle, deemed both improper and impious. My thesis explores how women writers negotiated Wollstonecraft’s scandalous reputation in order to discuss her influential feminist arguments and develop their own positions on these pressing issues in post-revolutionary Britain. In the early nineteenth century, Wollstonecraft’s life and work gets elided with the figure of the female philosopher, already popular in both pro- and counter-revolutionary writing of the 1790s. After Wollstonecraft’s death, fictional female philosophers echo elements of her biography whilst voicing an often caricatured version of her arguments. By rejecting these satirically overblown feminist positions, women writers could adopt a more moderate form of feminism, often closer to Wollstonecraft’s original polemic, to critique cultural restrictions on women, revealing how these warp female behaviour. My project modifies our understanding of the origins of modern feminism by focussing on Wollstonecraft’s reception across a range of socially and politically diverse texts, and the ways in which the process of reading itself is treated as potentially revolutionary.

The late eighteenth century marks an era where authors began forging identities that rebuffed the influences of the local communities to which they belonged. As literacy increased, so too did the notion of individuality, as members of the middle and lower orders soon saw themselves as separate, independent beings. The crowd, of course, helped simplify the management of complex emotions like anger through mutual demonstration; the greater number of participants in a protest, the more fitting the sense of indignation seemed to be. For cases of personal anger, however, the suitability and expression of the emotion were problematic, especially for those marginalized by gender, status, and political affiliations. While polite society deemed their anger unwarranted, odious, and threatening, subaltern authors simultaneously realized that the continued denial of the passion would cripple individual and artistic development, but excessive expression would yield further ridicule and ostracism. Anger, therefore, stimulated these authors to discover their actual worth as artists and individuals and carve unique identities that completely disregarded the restrictive characterizations assigned by a hierarchical society. Nevertheless, anger’s volatility meant that discovering oneself from a passion commonly represented as a moment “when we are not ourselves” was a particularly precarious endeavor since righteous indignation could quickly ignite into a mindless, destructive rage. Subaltern authors needed to authenticate the legitimacy of their anger to not only a largely unsympathetic audience, but also themselves, and the apparent foreignness of rage created confusion over the passion’s exact relation to the individual; anger is frequently emblematized in contradictions—internal vs. external, activity vs. passivity, sanity vs. insanity, reality vs. fantasy—to emphasize its deceptive fluidity. As this study argues, anger was fundamental to marginalized figures in achieving selfhood, but the passion’s overall instability and the objection by hierarchical society encouraged a literary treatment that was cautious, unique, and at times, clandestine.

Cette thèse étudie un corpus de romans anglais, encore peu étudiés en France et jamais étudiés collectivement, publiés entre 1782 et 1805 par des écrivains et des écrivaines se rattachant par leurs idées et, pour certains, leur militantisme actif, au mouvement radical qui se développe en Angleterre dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, s’amplifie et s’organise sous l’impulsion de la Révolution française, puis, sévèrement réprimé par le gouvernement de William Pitt, s’effondre à la fin de la décennie. Cette séquence historique laisse des traces profondes dans l’œuvre des romanciers radicaux, dont beaucoup, comme William Godwin, Mary Wollstonecraft et John Thelwall, sont philosophes ou polémistes avant d’être romanciers et prennent la plume pour défendre les droits de l’homme (et de la femme) dans le débat anglais sur la Révolution française qui oppose Edmund Burke à Thomas Paine. En croisant l’histoire des idées politiques, l’histoire sociale et culturelle du mouvement radical, l’histoire du livre et la narratologie classique, ce travail s’efforce de mettre en lumière la façon dont les romans encodent une certaine idéologie politique dans leurs formes – du discours des locuteurs au format de publication des romans, en passant par leurs narrateurs, leurs intrigues, leurs personnages, leur style et leurs silences signifiants. Un tel examen fait ressortir, plutôt qu’une idéologie radicale unifiée, une tension récurrente entre deux versions, libérale et jacobine, bourgeoise et plébéienne, du radicalisme, dont l’articulation conflictuelle revêt différentes formes d’un auteur à l’autre et d’un terme à l’autre de la période étudiée, à mesure que la réaction conservatrice enterre les espoirs radicaux de réformes. / This dissertation examines a corpus of English novels which have been little studied in France as yet and never as a whole. The novels were published between 1782 and 1805 by a group of writers who, by their ideas and in some cases active political commitment, belong to the radical movement which developed in England in the second half of the eighteenth century, gained impetus and structure in the wake of the French Revolution, and collapsed at the end of the decade when faced with repression from the government of William Pitt. Radical novelists, many of whom, like William Godwin, Mary Wollstonecraft and John Thelwall, were philosophers and pamphleteers before they took to novel-writing, flew to the defence of the rights of man (and of the rights of woman) in the revolution controversy which pitted Thomas Paine against Edmund Burke – and their work bears the mark of the rise and demise of the radical movement. Combining intellectual history with classical narratology, book history, and the social and cultural history of radicalism, this dissertation seeks to highlight the way in which political ideology is built into the very forms of the novels – in the characters’ speech and the characters themselves, in the novels’ plot and narration type, in their style and publishing format, as well as in their meaningful silences. Such a study brings to light, rather than a coherent radical ideology, a recurring tension between two versions of radicalism, liberal and jacobin, bourgeois and plebeian, whose partly conflicting conjunction assumes different shapes from one novelist to the other and between the early 1780s and late 1790s, as radical hopes of reform sink under the conservative backlash.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Alabama at Birmingham, 2008. / Additional advisors: Randa Graves, Daniel Siegel, Samantha Webb. Description based on contents viewed Feb. 10, 2009; title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-71).