Thesis--Bonn. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 175-184).

Issued also as thesis, Munich 1964/65 under title: Grabfunde aus dem Donautal von Kelheim bis Vilshofen. / On spine: Donautal um Regensburg. Bibliography: v. 1, p. 242-244.

L’analyse des trientes ou tiers de sou d’or aquitains produits de la fin du VIe à la fin du VIIe montre que ces pièces ne constituent pas une monnaie d’échange classique. Les multiples noms de lieu et les noms de monétaires qui y sont inscrits révèleraient en fait une administration des territoires : les lieux d’émission peuvent correspondre à autant de recettes fiscales, les monétaires seraient des agents administratifs en charge de la gestion de cette collecte organisée au sein des vici, districts administratifs de base hérités de l’Antiquité. Le regnum Francorum unifié sous Clotaire II puis Dagobert I perd sa cohérence après le milieu du VIIe siècle. A partir du début du VIIIe siècle, au plus tard, l’Aquitaine paraît échapper au pouvoir de la dynastie mérovingienne. Ses ducs ou principes jouissent d’une large autonomie ; ils perçoivent les revenus fiscaux et nomment les comtes. Après la vigoureuse reprise en main de Pépin le Bref, Charlemagne érige l’Aquitaine en un regnum confié à Louis le Pieux. Il agrège pour cela à l’Aquitaine proprement dite (Poitou, Berry, Auvergne, Limousin et comtés plus petits situés plus au sud), la Marche de Toulouse, la Gascogne (de la vallée de la Garonne aux Pyrénées) et la Septimanie. Afin de gérer au mieux des cités parfois très étendues, le nouveau pouvoir carolingien met en place des vicarii, probablement affectés au niveau vicinal, pour seconder les comtes ; quelques dizaines d’années plus tard, apparaissent progressivement les vicariae, dans lesquelles le vicarius, paraît jouer un rôle de médiateur entre les communautés d’habitants et le pouvoir comtal. On le perçoit à la fin du IXe siècle et dans la première moitié du suivant comme un notable, membre à part entière de ces communautés. Cette organisation vicariale paraît avoir pris appui sur les anciens vici, districts administratifs. Les vici mérovingiens pourraient avoir été aussi la matrice des grandes paroisses mises en place par le pouvoir épiscopal au sein des cités. / Analysis of trientes or "tiers de sou d'or" minted in Aquitaine, from the late 6th through the late 7th century, reveals that they were not a conventional form of currency. The various place names and monetarii names inscribed would indicate a territorial administration: emission locations appear to correspond to different tax revenue, while the monetarii could be the administrative officers in charge of managing organized tax collection within the vici, the basic administrative districts inherited from Antiquity. The regnum Francorum, unified under Clotaire II and Dagobert I, loses its coherence after the middle of the 7th century. No later than the early 8th century, Aquitaine appears to have escaped the jurisdiction of the Merovingian dynasty. Its dukes, or principes, had broad autonomy; they collect taxes and they appoint local officers. After vigorous takeover of Pepin the Short, Charlemagne creates the regnum of Aquitaine with Louis the Pious as its king. The regnum comprises the Aquitaine (Poitou, Berry, Auvergne, Limousin and smaller counties further south), with the March of Toulouse, the Gascony (from the Garonne valley to the Pyrenees) and the Septimania. In order to better manage the counties which were for some very large, the Carolingian authorities established the vicarii probably appointed at “vicinal” level to support the counts. A few decades later, gradually appear vicariae in which the vicarii, seem to play a mediating role between the local community and comtal power. From the late 9th century and the first half of the 10th, we perceive the vicarius as an elite and a member of these communities. This “vicarial” organization seems to have been constructed onformer administrative districts, the vici of the Merovingian period. These vici could also have been the origin of large parishes established by the episcopal power within the civitates.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universität Bremen, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [xiv]-lx) and index.

“Parsing Truth in Merovingian Gaul: Evidence and the Early Medieval Critic” considers how people distinguished truth from falsehood in a set of post-Roman kingdoms occupying much of modern France and western Germany from c. 450 to 751. Using Merovingian saints’ lives, legal documents, law codes, letters, and theological and philosophical texts, I consider how people and institutions navigated the possibility that information might be presented with the intent to deceive, or might just be wrong. Responses to questions about the reliability of information ranged from the practical to the abstractly epistemological, and the period produced multiple and contradictory arguments about how knowledge could, indeed, be certain. The dissertation concludes by examining some points of contact between Merovingian critical practices and Early Modern ones, looking specifically at the management of knowledge about relics at Sens.

Issued also as thesis, Munich 1964/65 under title: Grabfunde aus dem Donautal von Kelheim bis Vilshofen. / On spine: Donautal um Regensburg. Bibliography: v. 1, p. 242-244.

A dissertação de mestrado intitulada \"A paz e o recurso à violência no Reino dos Francos: os mecanismos de resolução de conflito no período merovíngio (séculos VI - VII)\" tem como objeto central a questão do caráter dos meios de resolução de conflito no período merovíngio: público, provenientes de uma autoridade comprometida com a manutenção da ordem; ou privado, emanados dos laços de solidariedade entre os diversos grupos de parentesco presentes nesse reino. O fundamento de tal problema reside nas diversas interpretações, presente na historiografia sobre o período, sobre o papel exercido pelo poder real na resolução dos conflitos. Alguns dos estudos, próximos da antropologia jurídica, apontam que a realeza não possuiria o poder para controlar as disputas e a violência, as quais seriam controladas através da \'faida\'. Outros, apontam que o rei merovíngio seria o responsável por levar fim as discórdias, através da instituição de códigos normativos e da delegação de seu poderes judiciários à um corpo de funcionários. Essa distinção nos estudos teria como causa distintas interpretações, por um lado, do sentido dos relatos de violência presentes nos \'Decem libri historiarum\' de Gregório de Tours, e por outro, da natureza do \'Pactus legis salicae\'. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa apresentada na dissertação busca, através da reflexão sobre essas fontes à luz dos estudos mais recentes sobre elas e da análise dos cânones dos concílios e das \'formulae Andecavenses\', posicionar-se de maneira crítica em relação a ambas concepções da realeza merovíngia. / The Master\'s dissertation entitled \"Peace and the use of violence in the Kingdom of Francs: mechanisms of conflict resolution in the Merovingian period (centuries VI - VII)\" has as its main object the question of the character of the forms of conflict resolution in the Merovingian period: public, result of the action of an authority concerned with the groups of that society. The fundament of that problem lies in the different interpretations, present in the historiography, of the role of the royal power in the conflict resolution. Some studies, related with the anthropology of law, outpoint that the royalty didn\'t has the means to control the disputes and the violence, whose were controlled by the feud. Other works, indicate that the Merovingian king was the sole responsible for the end of disputes, through the institution of law codes and the delegation of judiciary power to a body of functionaries. This distinction in the studies were caused by the distinct interpretations of, by one side, the meaning of the violence in the narrative of the \'Decem libri historiarum\' of Gregory of Tours, and, by another, the nature of thses sources, guided by the most recent researches in the field, and the investigation of the canons of the councils and the \'formulae Andecavenses\', to position himself critically within the discussion of the both conceptions of Merovingian royal power.

A dissertação de mestrado intitulada \"A paz e o recurso à violência no Reino dos Francos: os mecanismos de resolução de conflito no período merovíngio (séculos VI - VII)\" tem como objeto central a questão do caráter dos meios de resolução de conflito no período merovíngio: público, provenientes de uma autoridade comprometida com a manutenção da ordem; ou privado, emanados dos laços de solidariedade entre os diversos grupos de parentesco presentes nesse reino. O fundamento de tal problema reside nas diversas interpretações, presente na historiografia sobre o período, sobre o papel exercido pelo poder real na resolução dos conflitos. Alguns dos estudos, próximos da antropologia jurídica, apontam que a realeza não possuiria o poder para controlar as disputas e a violência, as quais seriam controladas através da \'faida\'. Outros, apontam que o rei merovíngio seria o responsável por levar fim as discórdias, através da instituição de códigos normativos e da delegação de seu poderes judiciários à um corpo de funcionários. Essa distinção nos estudos teria como causa distintas interpretações, por um lado, do sentido dos relatos de violência presentes nos \'Decem libri historiarum\' de Gregório de Tours, e por outro, da natureza do \'Pactus legis salicae\'. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa apresentada na dissertação busca, através da reflexão sobre essas fontes à luz dos estudos mais recentes sobre elas e da análise dos cânones dos concílios e das \'formulae Andecavenses\', posicionar-se de maneira crítica em relação a ambas concepções da realeza merovíngia. / The Master\'s dissertation entitled \"Peace and the use of violence in the Kingdom of Francs: mechanisms of conflict resolution in the Merovingian period (centuries VI - VII)\" has as its main object the question of the character of the forms of conflict resolution in the Merovingian period: public, result of the action of an authority concerned with the groups of that society. The fundament of that problem lies in the different interpretations, present in the historiography, of the role of the royal power in the conflict resolution. Some studies, related with the anthropology of law, outpoint that the royalty didn\'t has the means to control the disputes and the violence, whose were controlled by the feud. Other works, indicate that the Merovingian king was the sole responsible for the end of disputes, through the institution of law codes and the delegation of judiciary power to a body of functionaries. This distinction in the studies were caused by the distinct interpretations of, by one side, the meaning of the violence in the narrative of the \'Decem libri historiarum\' of Gregory of Tours, and, by another, the nature of thses sources, guided by the most recent researches in the field, and the investigation of the canons of the councils and the \'formulae Andecavenses\', to position himself critically within the discussion of the both conceptions of Merovingian royal power.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universität Bremen, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [xiv]-lx) and index.