Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Delaware, 1997. / Professor in charge: William J. Idsardi. Includes bibliographical references.

Not available / text

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.

This study proposes that metrical constituents are inherently headless and stress is autosegmental. Chapter 2 argues that, since stress is the only diagnostic for the presence of a metrical head, the latter is redundant and must be eliminated from phonological theory. Further arguments for the inherent headlessness of feet are cited fl:om the theory of prosodic morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1990, Crowhurst 1991b) and from the facts of Yidinʸ stress (Dixon 1977, Crowhurst 1991a, Crowhurst and Hewitt, to appear). Next, stress is shown to exhibit the following auto segmental properties: stability (Bedouin Hijazi Arabic) , morphemic stress (Spanish, Turkish, Tagalog) and the ability to float (Mayo, Tagalog). After comparing the properties of stress with those of autosegments, it is concluded that stress is an autosegment. Assuming that feet can be either disyllabic, bimoraic or iambic (Hayes 1991), the above conclusion predicts the existence of five types of binary stressed feet. These are the left- and right-stressed syllabic foot, instantiated by Warao and Mayo, respectively, the left- and right-stressed moraic foot, instantiated by Cairene Arabic and Turkish, respectively, and the iambic foot, instantiated by Hixkaryana. The asymmetric nature of the iamb is attributed to the Weight-to-Stress Principle (Prince 1990), which allows stress to be assigned directly to heavy syllables. Furthermore, this principle predict6 all and only the attested types of unbounded stress systems. Chapter 5 argues that stressless feet and unfooted stresses are instantiated in Mayo, and the theories of Halle and Vergnaud 1987a, b and Hayes 1987, 1991 are shown to be incapable of accounting for these facts. The autosegmental theory of stress advances phonological theory in three ways. First, it eliminates most of the principles and devices which up to now have been used only to describe stress, leaving only the abstract stress autosegment which is itself subject to the principles of autosegmental theory. Second, this approach attributes many of the apparent differences between stress and tone to differences in their respective domains rather than differences in their formal properties. Third, the autosegmental theory of stress facilitates the formalization of a number of stress systems with heretofore complex analyses, including Yidinʸ, Mayo, Cairene Arabic, Turkish, Khalkha Mongolian and Tagalog.

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (Ph. D.)--Brandeis University, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 161-172).

Originally presented as the author's thesis (Ph. D.)--Brandeis University, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 161-172).

I examine those linguistic features of Old English and Old Norse which serve as the basic elements for the metrical systems of those languages. I begin with a critical survey of recent work on Old English metrical theory in chapter 1, which suggests that the four-position and word-foot theories of metre are the most viable current frameworks. A further conclusion of this chapter is that stress is not, as is often claimed, a core element of the metre. In chapter 2, I reassess the phonological-metrical phenomenon of Kaluza's law, which I find to be much more regular and widely applicable within Bēowulf than has previously been recognized. I further argue that the law provides evidence that Old English phonological foot structure is based on a preference for precise bimoraism. In chapter 3, I examine the role of syllables in the Norse Eddic metre fornyrðislag, which supports a view of resolution and phonological feet similar to that found in Old English, though Norse prosody is much more tolerant of degenerate, light feet. I reconsider the other major Eddic metre, ljóðaháttr, in chapter 4, integrating the insights of Andreas Heusler and Geoffrey Russom to propose a new system of scansion for this notoriously recalcitrant verse form. This scansion provides important support for the word-foot theory, and suggests that linguistic elements larger than syllables or phonological feet play a crucial role in early Germanic verse. In the final chapter, I give a diachronic account of Germanic metre and relevant linguistic structures, arguing that the word-foot theory provides the best metrical framework for understanding the development of Germanic alliterative verse. This metrical system is linguistically supported by Germanic word structures and compounding rules, and interacts with bimoraic phonological feet, all of which have a long history in Proto- and pre-Germanic.

Spoken by the Fulni-ô indians, whose community is located in Águas Belas district, approximately 300 Km from Recife, Yaathe is an indigenous language belonging to Macro-Jê phylum. Live and spoken by almost 3,700 members of the group, according to data provided by FUNASA in 2006, it executes religions and social functions in the tribe, being the only native language still spoken in the Northeast of Brazil. (COSTA, 1999). In spite of a large study having already been undertaken of the Yaathe language, little is known about its accentual system in phonetics terms as well as linguistically. Hence, this study was conducted focusing on an experimental phonetic description of accent, aiming more consistent formulations of its organization in the referred language. To reach our goals, we used acoustic analyses principles, conjoined with technical procedures of laboratorial phonetics and, following that, analysis principles of Metrical Phonology. Data processing showed that taking into account only phonological criteria, it is not possible to define clearly the rules of assignment of stress in Yaathe, calling for a morphological study to observe the behavior of accent in words with an internal structure. From a phonetic point of view, we have reached the following results: i) pitch has not a linguistic function as the melodic pattern is always rising in the word; ii) length and intensity, either together or isolated, are the phonetic correlate of accent; iii) the accent prominence occurs in the right margin of the word, in the last or in the second-to-last syllable. From the phonological point of view, it was not possible to formulate rules for the assignment of accent in the language. Nevertheless the research made possible to sketch some hypothesis that can be pursued in the future towards a better understanding of the prosodic system of Yaathe. / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas / Falada pelos índios da tribo Fulni-o, cuja reserva indígena localiza-se no município de Águas Belas, a cerca de 300 quilômetros de Recife, o Yaathe é uma língua indígena pertencente ao tronco lingüístico Macro-Jê. Viva e falada por cerca de 3.700 indivíduos do grupo, segundo dados fornecidos pela FUNASA em 2006, ela desempenha funções rituais e sociais na aldeia, sendo a única língua nativa ainda falada no Nordeste do Brasil. (COSTA, 1999). Apesar de um amplo estudo já desenvolvido sobre o Yaathe, pouco se sabe a respeito do seu sistema acentual, tanto em termos fonéticos como em termos de funcionamento lingüístico. Dessa forma, portanto, direcionamos a elaboração desse trabalho para uma descrição fonéticoexperimental do acento, visando formulações mais consistentes a respeito da sua organização na língua referida. Para tanto, utilizamos os pressupostos de análise acústica, aliando procedimentos técnicos de fonética laboratorial e, posteriormente, princípios de análise da Fonologia Métrica. A apreciação dos dados mostrou que levando em conta critérios puramente fonológicos não seria possível definir claramente as regras de atribuição acentual para o Yaathe, fazendo-se necessário, portanto, um estudo de caráter morfológico, observando o comportamento do acento em palavras com estrutura interna. Do ponto de vista fonético, obtivemos os seguintes resultados: i) o pitch não tem função lingüística, uma vez que a curva melódica na palavra é sempre ascendente; ii) duração e intensidade, ora conjuntamente, ora isolados, são os correlatos fonéticos do acento; iii) a proeminência acentual ocorre na margem direita da palavra, na última ou na penúltima sílaba. Fonologicamente, não foi possível decidir as regras de acentuação da língua. Entretanto, a pesquisa permitiu esboçar hipóteses que poderão ser investigadas posteriormente para um melhor conhecimento do sistema prosódico do Yaathe.

Submitted by Cristiane Chim (cristiane.chim@ucpel.edu.br) on 2018-07-12T12:43:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 SUÉLEN RIBEIRO DUTRA.pdf: 1590690 bytes, checksum: 2e518d46cb15acd2cf1ca5fc068be94a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-12T12:43:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SUÉLEN RIBEIRO DUTRA.pdf: 1590690 bytes, checksum: 2e518d46cb15acd2cf1ca5fc068be94a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-12-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES# / #2075167498588264571# / #600 / Focusing on Brazilian Portuguese phonology, specifically on the attribution of marked and unmarked stress of non-verbs in this language, this Master’s Dissertation has as its main goal researching the phonological knowledge in students from four different levels of Elementary School – 3 rd, 5th, 7thand 9thyear – in relation with the attribution of primary stress in syllables. According to Bisol (1992), are considered to be unmarked: (1) words in which the second syllable (from the right, to the left) carries the stress and the following and last syllable is light and (2) words in which the stress falls on the last and heavy syllable. The method of this study consisted of creating and applying three different tests: in the first test, students were asked to read invented words; in the second test, students were asked to attribute the primary stress to invented words; and, in the third test, students were asked to create words. Based on the Metrical Phonology and on Bisol’s (1992) proposition for stress attribution in Portuguese, the results show that the students’ phonological grammar (Brazilian Portuguese native speakers) fit the established stress pattern for Brazilian Portuguese, since no words were created with non-licensed stress. The three types of primary stress that belong to the language system can be considered to be part of students’ phonological knowledge, being effectively productive only the cases in which the primary stress is considered to be unmarked. The research corpus also allowed the discussion on the attribution of stress to word sending in high vowels /i/ and /u/, since data showed that, in the invented lexical items with this context, the attribution of last-syllable and second-syllable (right-left)stress had similar occurrences. Among the main results found, it is relevant to mention that, when attributing the primary stress to new words, it is possible to perceive the emergency of the internal grammar and it is also possible to establish a relation between progressive contact with the writing acquisition and graphic stress marks in school and their interference on students’ phonological knowledge. / Com foco na fonologia do Português Brasileiro (PB), particularmente na atribuição do acento marcado e não marcado a não-verbos da língua, o objetivo primeiro do presente estudo foi buscar o desvelamento do conhecimento fonológico que alunos de quatro anos distintos do Ensino Fundamental (EF)– 3º, 5º, 7º e 9º anos–possuem em relação ao acento primário. Seguindo-se Bisol (1992), consideraram-se não marcados o acento paroxítono de palavras terminadas em sílabas leves e o acento oxítono de palavras terminadas em sílabas pesadas. A metodologia da pesquisa incluiu a criação e a aplicação de três testes distintos: o primeiro teste exigia dos alunos a leitura de palavras inventadas, o segundo pedia a atribuição do acento primário em palavras inventadas e, o último, solicitava a criação de palavras. Analisados à luz da Fonologia Métrica (FM) e da proposta de Bisol (1992) para o acento em português, os resultados evidenciaram que a gramática fonológica dos alunos, falantes nativos de PB, integra a pauta acentual da língua, uma vez que jamais foram criadas palavras com acento não licenciado. Os três tipos de acento primário presentes no sistema – oxítono, paroxítono e proparoxítono – podem ser reconhecidos como pertencentes ao conhecimento fonológico dos alunos, sendo que se mostram efetivamente produtivos apenas os casos de acento primário considerados não marcados. O corpus da pesquisa também permitiu a discussão do acento atribuído às palavras terminadas nas vogais altas /i/ e /u/, já que os dados mostraram, nos itens lexicais inventados com esse contexto, a atribuição do acento oxítono e paroxítono em índices próximos. Dentre os principais resultados extraídos da aplicação dos testes aos alunos do Ensino Fundamental, merece destaque que, na atribuição do acento primário a palavras novas, há a emergência da gramática internalizada e que o contato progressivo com a escrita e com as regras de acentuação na escola pode interferir nesse conhecimento fonológico.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:43:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2125510 bytes, checksum: aa04eddf6c4ebfdab57270cd91d4cd05 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper describes the behavior of variable medial post-stressed vowel in nouns, in the dialect of the town of Sapé, located in the state of Paraiba. In this context, there were done two analyses. The first one is a variationist, in order to verify the effects of deletion of the medial post-stressed vowel, and compare the results with other studies of similar nature. To do so, we adopted the theoretical basis in Labov (1972) and Weinreich; Labov; Herzog (1968). The second analysis, phonological character, focused on analyzing the processes triggered either by resistance to syncope - the raising and rounding of the medial post-stressed vowels, based on Câmara Jr. (2002 [1970]) and Battisti; Vieira (2005) the former one is an occurrence of syncope: assimilation, resyllabification and restructuring of the feet, from two theoretical models Metrical Phonology: The Selkirk (1982) on the syllable, and Hayes (1995) on the accent. Under the Sociolinguistics Variation point of view, one analyzed statistically, linguistic and social variables that favor the deletion of the medial post-stressed vowel. The results were compared to those of other studies that aimed to investigate the same phenomenon, but with speech data from other regions of Brazil. It was found that the fact of year of schooling is the most important one in the medial poststressed vowels deletion in three out of four works under study, as well as the following phonological context, which was considered the most conducive to the process focused on this study. But Amaral (1999) and Lima (2008) state that the liquid vibrant is the most vibrant favoring the process of deletion, while Silva (2006) and Ramos (2009), state that the liquid side is the one. Thus, after the erasure process it occurs medial post-stressed vowel, the consonantal segment remaining after the deletion is incorporated herein to the stressed syllable, either to attack the unstressed final syllable, through resyllabification, causing a restructuring of syllabic feet, transforming them into penultimate stressed words as, respectively: música ~ musca and xícara ~ xicra. whenever this deletion does not occur, the medial post-stressed vowels [e] and [o] face prosecution for opening, for example, in a.bó.b[o].ra ~ a.bó.b[o].ra, and revolt in ár.v[o].re ~ ár.v[o]re. It is through this process of assimilation that a segment assimilates characteristics of the previous segment, as in física ~ [fizga], and/or segment, as in música ~ [musca]. / O presente trabalho descreve o comportamento variável das vogais postônicas mediais, em nomes, no dialeto da cidade de Sapé, localizada no interior do estado da Paraíba. Nesse contexto, objetivaram-se duas análises: uma variacionista, a fim de verificar os efeitos do apagamento da vogal postônica medial e comparar os resultados com outros estudos de mesma natureza. Para tanto, foram adotadas as propostas teóricas de Labov (1972) e de Weinreich, Labov e Herzog (1968). A segunda análise, de caráter fonológico, visou analisar os processos desencadeados ora pela resistência à síncope o alçamento e o arredondamento das vogais postônicas mediais, a partir da discussão de Câmara (2002 [1970]) e de Battisti e Vieira (2005) ora pela ocorrência da síncope: assimilação, ressilabação e reestruturação dos pés, a partir de dois modelos teóricos da Fonologia Métrica: o de Selkirk (1982), sobre sílaba, e o de Hayes (1995), sobre o acento. Sob a égide da Sociolinguística Variacionista, analisaram-se, estatisticamente, as variáveis linguísticas e sociais que favorecem o apagamento da vogal postônica medial. Os resultados foram comparados com os de outros trabalhos que tiveram por objetivo investigar o mesmo fenômeno, porém com dados de fala de outras regiões do Brasil. Constatou-se que o fator ano de escolarização é o mais relevante no processo de apagamento da vogal postônica medial em três dos quatro trabalhos em estudo, assim como o contexto fonológico seguinte, que foi tido por todos como sendo o mais propício ao processo aqui em estudo. Porém Amaral (1999) e Lima (2008) apontam a líquida vibrante como a mais favorecedora do processo de apagamento, ao passo que Silva (2006) e Ramos (2009), a líquida lateral. Assim sendo, depois de ocorrer o processo de apagamento da postônica medial, o segmento consonantal restante após o apagamento é incorporado ora à sílaba tônica, ora ao ataque da sílaba átona final, por meio da ressilabação, o que provoca uma reestruturação dos pés silábicos, transformando-as em palavras paroxítonas, como, respectivamente, em: música ~ musca e xícara ~ xicra. Quando não ocorre esse apagamento, as vogais [e] e [o] postônicas mediais sofrem processos de abertura, como por exemplo, em a.bó.b[o].ra ~ a.bó.b[o].ra, e de alçamento, em ár.v[o].re ~ ár.v[o].re. É por esse processo de assimilação que um segmento assimila características do segmento precedente, como em fizica ~ fizga, e/ou do segmento seguinte, como em música ~ musca.