Texte remanié de: Th. Ph. D.--Economy--Groningen, ca 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 269-278.

Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University / Assuming the reader's unfamiliarity with the Mexican scene, the first chapter presents a bird-eye's view of the Mexican terrain. its climate, vegetation and inhabitants, along with a broad and comprehensive view of Mexican history since 1519. The effect of the land and its resources upon the history of Mexico is shown to have sparked the Mexican revolution, which, instigated in 1910, has far from completed its course. The greater part of Chapter I is devoted to an objective exposition of the bloody campaigns, military groups, heroes and villains of the earlier years of the Revolution, along with an account of its course during the past two relatively peaceful decades, in which the revolutionary fervor has been diverted to the task of raising the standard of living of the people of Mexico through extremely nationalistic economic policies. This account is designed to acquaint the render in a general manner with current-day Mexico in preparation for the much more specialized areas of inquiry comprising the following chapters. Its major contention is that, contrary to what many non-Mexican observers incorrectly maintain, the Revolution lives on [TRUNCATED]

Scholars of Mexican migration, both in the U.S. and in Mexico, have defined the Mexican migration by the transnational migration experience. While certainly an important aspect of Mexican migration, this narrow focus has overlooked an arguably more significant phenomenon for migratory communities in Mexico: rural to urban migration. Working primarily with the personal testimonies of people who have migrated to the United States has revealed that urbanization has played a major role in the lives of many transnational migrants, many of whom only resorted to international migration when their ability to migrate and work in Mexican cities was compromised. By looking at changes in Mexican migration over a century, it becomes clear that transnational migration only occurs en masse as a result disruption. For rural Mexicans, this disruption came in the form of private labor recruitment, contracted labor programs, or displacement resulting from violence or political and economic restructuring.

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Three previously unrecognized outcrops of pre-Carboniferous rock in the Mina Plomosas - Placer de Guadalupe area have a total area of slightly less than four square miles. Six units, ranging in age from Ordovician to Jurassic, are mapped within the Plomosas Formation named by Burrows in 1909; the total thickness is about 8,000 feet. The lower 2,000-foot section of Ordovician, Silurian, Devonian, Mississippian, and Pennsylvanian rock, composed predominantly of limestone, resembles contemporaneous formations in west Texas. The 2,000-foot to 3,000-foot section between Pennsylvanian and Late Jurassic rock, composed predominantly of siltstone and conglomerate, consists of a 500-foot to 1,000-foot Permian (Wolfcampian-Leonardian) sequence overlain by beds of undetermined age. The Permian sequence includes a reef. The 3,000-foot section of Late Jurassic rock is composed of shale, sandstone, and limestone. The area lay to the north of the main Ouachita trend, and Paleozoic tectonism was less intense than in the Marathon uplift. Nevertheless, angular unconformities within the Permian sequence indicate Permian movements. Laramide tectonism was extreme, with major overthrusting toward the west. Two large sections are upside-down. Crustal shortening on the order of ten miles can be proved near Mina Plomosas. Probably the sericite and microspar (finely recrystallized limestone), in the Paleozoic and Jurassic rocks, are products of incipient metamorphism resulting primarily from Laramide deformation. Mina Plomosas is an important lead-zinc mine. A little placer gold is found at Placer de Guadalupe. All mineralization in the Placer de Guadalupe - Mina Plomosas area is thought to be Tertiary in age. The petroleum potential of Chihuahua is still untested. / text

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