This thesis is a historical study of the Ottoman Armenians in the Ottoman Empire from 1918-1923. It seeks to delineate how the Ottoman Armenians reorganised their political position against the massive socio-political crises that led to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The thesis analyses the transformation of the Armenian political position by examining the Ottoman Turkish and Armenian press. The study contends that the Ottoman Armenians struggled to reorganise their political and social life after the First World War and established alliances with the Allied Powers to create an independent 'Western Armenia', which would ultimately unite with the Armenian state in the Caucasus. The Ottoman Armenians developed a patriotic approach that sought unification with their compatriots in the Caucasus. However, after the defeat of the Greek army by the Nationalist troops in Anatolia in 1922, the collective approach among the Ottoman Armenians changed significantly. After the Nationalist victory had become inevitable, the Ottoman Armenians sought reconciliation and peace with the Turks. This reconciliation was only possible through the acceptance of 'Turkish supremacy' by the Ottoman Armenians. In other words, the Armenians who chose to remain within the boundaries of Turkey preferred to pledge loyalty to the newly established Nationalist government in Ankara. The establishment of the Türk-Ermeni Teali Cemiyeti (Turkish Armenian Ascent Association) and the reconciliation attempts of the Ottoman Armenians with the Muslim Turks is an example of the transformation of the Armenian collective position among the Ottoman Armenians. This study employs Armenian and Ottoman Turkish media sources published in Istanbul and Anatolia during the Armistice years (1918-1923) to track the post-war interrelationship of Ottoman society in general and the Armenian community in particular, the social and political reorganisations of the Armenian community and the transformation of the Armenian political position in the last years of the Ottoman Empire. By doing so, the thesis challenges both Ottoman/Turkish and Armenian historiographies, and attempts to bring these two historiographic approaches together with a new approach to understand this historical period.

This dissertation assesses the historical engagement of Canadian state and society with the Palestine problem. Canada’s contemporary position on the pro-Israel edge of the spectrum of world politics raises questions about long-term patterns of change and continuity in Canadian politics concerning the Middle East. Liberal patriotic historical narration of Canadian foreign policy conventionally invokes what Lester B. Pearson referred to as ‘the broad and active internationalism’ with which Canadian officials approached the world in the years after World War II. Moderate voices within the contemporary Canadian mainstream typically counterpose this history to a narrow support for Israel that pits Canada against a majority of the world community. This dissertation argues that contemporary political opposition in Canada needs to find other historical precedents to build upon. The established liberal internationalist framing obscures the formative influence upon Canadian foreign policy of a racialized politics of empire. The development of Canadian politics within the framework of the British Empire, and the domestic structures of racial power that formally endured into the twentieth century, need to be taken into account if the historical evolution of Canadian external affairs policy on Palestine – as more generally – is to be understood. Historical and political analysis structured around the assertion of national innocence undercuts the kind of understanding of the past that can inform constructive engagement with the problems of the present. As against the pervasive theme of fair-minded Canadian innocence, this dissertation finds that the implication of both the Canadian government and Canadian civil society in the denial of Palestinian rights has deep historical roots. It is critical to look not only at the scope of internationalist tendencies within Canadian political history, but also at their exclusionist boundaries. In so doing, this study positions Canada within wider Western structures of support for Israel against Palestinian and neighbouring Arab societies.

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This research focuses on the Israeli town of Sderot and the rocket attacks it experienced since 2001. Sderot is a unique case study because it represents a group of individuals in a democratic country that lived with terrorism for almost a decade before the state took major defensive action. The situation in Sderot is one which has lacked attention in the media and in Political Science research. By analyzing the level of attention by multiple actors to the crisis in Sderot, the reasons for the perpetual insecurity of its population are discussed. The crisis is analyzed on four main levels: the experience of individuals in Sderot, the response of the Israeli government, Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, and the role of the United Nations. The preliminary chapter examines the impact of living with rocket fire while exploring methods by which Sderot residents have engaged in activism to improve their quality of life. The following chapter discusses Israeli national defense policy and examines where Sderot has ranked on the State's list of priorities. The third chapter consists of two main sections: an analysis of Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, an explanation of Barnas' rise to power in Gaza. The latter section consists of an exploration of the politics surrounding the United Nation's level of attention to the crisis in Sderot. As one transitions from the individual level of analysis to the state level, the voices of Sderot residents become much quieter, and the realities of a state that is constantly attacked from beyond its borders can be understood. By analyzing the past failings of peace negotiations between Israeli and Palestinian leaders, lessons for future attempts at negotiations are discussed, and the ever-present link between peace and security is emphasized. Overall, the realities of daily life in a state which pursues a policy of security over diplomacy are illuminated.

ABSTRACT INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY AND THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE MIDDLE EAST: A STATE OF THE FIELD STUDY Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Meliha AltuniSik January 2009, 82 pages This thesis analyzes the level of interaction between International Relations theories and the literature on the international relations of the Middle East. The disciplines- area studies controversy is analyzed in a way to account for the low level of cooperation between International Relations as an academic discipline and Middle East studies. The thesis looks into the literature in order to demonstrate to what extent developments in International Relations theories informed the study of the international relations of the Middle East. The thesis emphasizes the need for a normative/ critical aprroach in order to overcome the bridge beween these fields caused by epistemological and methodological as well as by the political economy of scholarship informed by ideological rivalries.

The dissertation examines the foundations of modern Arab national thought in nineteenth-century works of Buṭrus al Bustānī (1819-1883) and Aḥmad Fāris al Shidyāq (1804-1887) in which occurred an intersection of language-making practices and a national pedagogic project. It interrogates the centrality of language for Arab identity formation by deconstructing the metaphor "language is the mirror of the nation," an overarching slogan of the nineteenth century, as well as engaging with twentieth-century discussions of the Arab nation and its Nahḍa. The study seeks to challenge the conventional historiography of Arab thought by proposing a re-theorisation of the Arab Nahḍa as an Enlightenment-Modernity construct that constitutes the problematic of the Arab nation. The study investigates through literature and literary tropes the makings and interstices of the historical Arab Nation: the topography of its making. It covers a series of primary understudied sources: Bustānī's enunciative Nafīr Sūriyya pamphlets that he wrote in the wake of the 1860 civil wars of Mount Lebanon and Damascus: his translation of Robinson Crusoe, dictionary, and encyclopaedia. As well as Shidyāq's fictional autobiography, linguistic essays and treatise, and travel writings on Europe. The dissertation engages with these works to show how the 'Nahḍa' is a constituted by inherently contradictory and supplementary projects. It forms a moment of fracture in history and temporality – as does the Enlightenment in Europe – from which emerges a seemingly coherent national narrative.

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Cette étude s’organise autour d’une articulation : celle entre un médium (la photographie), une ville (Beyrouth), et les événements qui ont marqué son passé récent. Le thème des rapports entre la photographie et l’histoire, avec la pluralité de sens qui le décrit, vient, en arrière-fond de ces questions, délimiter l’horizon de cette étude ; le lien entre voir et savoir, antiquement aux sources de la connaissance historique (Hartog, Loraux), en représente la ligne de fuite. En premier plan, la relation photographique et historienne à l’événement constitue l’objet de cette recherche dont le propos est d’identifier dans la photographie une référence à l’histoire considérée en tant qu’écriture. Concrètement, cet argument se déplie sur deux mouvements. Il exige, dans un premier temps, une série d’analyses théoriques visant à étudier le potentiel de connaissance et le caractère formel de la photographie en qualité de représentation événementielle. En partant des expérimentations des avant-gardes (Lugon, Baqué), jusqu’au jumelage entre la photographie et la presse, il s’agira de montrer la part de lisibilité qui appartient aux narrations photographiques (Barthes, Lavoie). Ensuite, on prendra en considération le travail opéré par l’historien lors de l’opération historiographique visant à produire, autour de l’événement, une représentation historique (de Certeau, Ricœur, Ginzburg). Outre faire ressortir le caractère de visibilité qui appartient à l’écriture historienne, ce passage sera aussi l’occasion de produire une étude comparée de la photographie et de l’histoire (Kracauer) autour de notions ponctuelles, comme celles d’empreinte, d’indice et de témoignage. Le moteur de ce premier mouvement est la notion d’événement. Abordée d’un point de vue phénoménologique (Zarader, Marion, Dastur, Diano), elle nous permettra d’observer la photographie et l’histoire d’après la génétique de leur construction. Finalement, Beyrouth et son histoire façonnées par les images constituent le cadre à l’intérieur duquel s’organise le deuxième mouvement. Les analyses des œuvres de Sophie Ristelhueber (Beyrouth photographies, 1984), Robert Frank (Come again, 1991) et Lamia Joreige (Beyrouth, autopsie d’une ville, 2010) sont conçues comme autant d’espaces dialogiques entre la photographie, l’épistémologie de l’histoire et les événements historiques qu’elles représentent. Le propos est de faire ressortir le basculement qu’elles mettent en scène : de la chronique vers l’écriture d’histoire. / This study focuses on the connection between a medium (photography), a city (Beyrouth), and the events that have marked its recent past. The theme of the relationship between photography and history, with the plurality of meanings that describes it, defines the scope of this study. The link between seeing and knowing, which in Antiquity was the root of historical knowledge (Hartog, Loraux), represents its vanishing point. The photographic and historical relationship with the event constitutes the purpose of this research, the aim of which is to identify in photography a reference to history considered as writing. The argument of this dissertation unfolds in two stages. The first stage requires a series of theoretical analyses, which aim at studying the knowledge potential and the formal nature of photography as a factual representation. Starting with the experimentation of the avant-gardes (Lugon, Braqué), and exploring the twinning of photography and the press, our goal will be to demonstrate the part of readability that belongs to the photographic narratives (Barthes, Lavoie). We will then take into consideration the work accomplished by the historian during the historiographic process, aiming at producing an historical representation of the event (de Certeau, Ricoeur, Ginzburg). In addition to emphasizing the characteristic of visibility, which belongs to historical writing, this will also provide the occasion to produce a comparative study of photography and history through particular notions such as imprint, sign, and evidence. The driving force behind this first part is the notion of event. Broached from the point of view of phenomenology (Zarader, Marion, Dastur, Diano), it will enable us to analyze photography and history according to the genetics of their construction. Beyrouth and its history, shaped by images, are the context in which the second stage is organized. The analysis of the works of Sophie Ristelhueber (Beyrouth photographies, 1984), Robert Frank (Come again, 1991), and Lamia Joreige (Beyrouth, autopsie d’une ville, 2010) are conceived as dialogical spaces between photography, the epistemology of history and the historical events that they represent. The aim is to emphasize the shift they present in moving from chronicle to the writing of history.