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Scholars of Islamic history have long recognized the fascinating transition of Sufism from a loose set of distinct tendencies in the third/ninth centuries, to a self-conscious movement which, by the beginning of the sixth/twelfth century, had entered into the mainstream and began to pervade all levels of society. Many have sought to explain the developments in the interim between the third/ninth and sixth/twelfth centuries which resulted in the eventual popularization of Sufism by the end of that period. It is known that instrumental to this process was the rising prominence of the so-called awliyā’ Allāh (“Friends of God”) who before long, were primarily identified with masters of the Ṣūfī path. Given the integration of Sufism into mainstream Sunnī Islam, Sunnī theology came to adopt the miracles of the Friends as markers of sainthood (wilāyah). My project seeks a more comprehensive understanding of how this took place, and the challenges that presented against this development. To this end, this project explores the debates on the Friends and their miracles between two opposing camps, the emerging Sunnī-Ṣūfī majority in contradistinction to the Muʿtazilah. I adopt a combination of textual, source-critical, and contextual approaches to Sunnī and Muʿtazilī writings on sainthood from the third/ninth to the fifth/eleventh century and place these sources in conversation with one another to better understand the stakes involved. This project also highlights the discursive nature of the Islamic tradition, with Muslim writers dynamically acting and reacting to one another, and to their social environments, in their attempts to define the boundaries of Islamic thought. / Religion

This project explores how film censorship shapes film production and circulation at film festivals, public screenings, and theatrical releases since the early 2000s in Turkey. It argues that, over time, mechanisms of censorship under Erdoğan’s authoritarian regime became less centralized; practices of censorship became more dispersed and less and less “official;” and the various imposing actors and agencies have differed from those in previous decades. Though still consistent with longstanding state ideologies, reasons for censorship practices, now more than ever, must be complexly navigated and negotiated by producers and distributors of film, including festival organizers, art institutions, and filmmakers themselves, through self-censorship.Drawing on a number of in-depth case studies of films banned after 2000, this project analyzes these works within the political and social contexts surrounding their releases, as well as ethnographic data based on dozens of extensive semi-structured interviews with cultural producers over five years of fieldwork. The corresponding ethnographic fieldwork research reveals how the political climate in Turkey has affected (and worked to suppress) cultural production, freedom of speech, activism, and political resistance to the Erdoğan regime. It asks how political activism, speech, and events are converted into the visibility of image, sound, and text (as film) ultimately meets up with structures of the states that seek to obstruct or eliminate this mode of political engagement, not just through banning of artistic expression, but also through processes of delegitimization, investigatory targeting, threats, hate speech, and violence. / Anthropology

The purpose of this study is to attempt to solve why the Taliban have been successful in Afghanistan. In an attempt to solve why, I develop and test a theory on the Taliban's success against the U.S. in Afghanistan. My theory claims that the Taliban have been successful due to U.S. forces committing wrongdoings towards Afghan civilians. These wrongdoings, in turn, pushed civilian support away from the U.S. and its allies in this war. Afghan civilians would side with the Taliban, as they sought protection from the invading forces in their country. As a result of this gain in support, the Taliban were able to bolster the preexisting social ties they had, which allowed them to garner more fighters and resources; the bolstering of their social networks made their success more achievable. I test my theory qualitatively through interviews with American veterans who served in the War in Afghanistan. Through the process of interviews, no evidence that indicates that U.S. forces mistreating Afghans is conditional for Afghans choosing the Taliban. Interviews instead indicate that Afghans chose the Taliban due to pressure and coercion. Despite the introduction of pressure, coercion, and other new potential factors I ultimately have determined my study to be inconclusive due to limitations that prevented the ability to conduct deeper research; those limitations will be explained in the Conclusion section.

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This study explores Palestinian university teachers' beliefs regarding the concepts of culture and intercultural communicative competence (ICC) and the impact of their perception on classroom teaching practices. The study argues that in the age of globalization, spread of English as a lingua franca, and growing opportunities of intercultural communication, the focus on linguistic competence or literary competence may not be adequate to enable Palestinian university students to use English communicatively and interculturally. Further, the current objectives of teaching English as a foreign language (EFL), which seem to exclude the cultural/intercultural dimension, can be expanded through integrating ICC into English language classes. Using a case study of one of the leading Palestinian Universities, the study explores the aforementioned assumptions and investigates teachers' beliefs regarding the concepts of culture and ICC in the Palestinian university context. Analyzing data from interviews, observations, and documents, the study reveals that EFL Palestinian participants perceived culture as a way of life that comprises a shared system of values, beliefs, ways of thinking, and behaviors. To them, language and culture are interwoven components, and without culture, language acquisition might be difficult to achieve. Additionally, ICC was perceived as the ability to communicate with people from other cultures through gaining cultural knowledge about English /American culture and promoting personality traits. Data analyses disclose that the linguistic competence had the upper hand in classroom teaching practices, and that the target culture(s) was used as a background to assist language learning. However, ICC was absent in EFL Palestinian university classes, and it was perceived, to some extent, as an equivalent to communicative competence. The study concludes with sets of recommendations to local Palestinian English departments, teachers, international textbooks designers, and future research.

This dissertation analyzes the Iraqi reconstruction period, including two pivotal moments in 2005, the ratification of the new constitution and the democratic elections, to examine issues of identity and sectarianism in Iraq. The following analysis will assist in the demystification of Iraqi sectarianism, understood to be the manifestation of an identity struggle between Sunni and Shi’a groups within Iraq, and connect this phenomenon to issues of hegemony and democracy. The discussion of Sunni and Shi‘i relations in Iraq as it relates to the Iraqi reconstruction period involves numerous areas of discipline including politics surrounding the invasion and occupation, the history of Iraq, democratic principles, secularization, democracy, and its role Islam, and of course sectarianism to name a few. These topics are supported by King’s theory of postcolonialism, aspects of Geertz’s understanding of nationalism, and Weber’s connection of power and status. The impact of the 2003 invasion of Iraq will be understood in reference to Mark Juergensmeyer’s theory of cosmic war which he offers arises when symbols become deadly and the struggle for identity becomes so intense the thought of losing this conflict is unimaginable, therefore manifesting in a conflict that cannot be solved by Western political means. Furthermore, this dissertation addresses the role secularism plays in drafting of the 2005 Iraqi constitution and the following elections. Religious violence is nothing new, and in fact it often has little to do with religion itself; rather it’s a question of political and identity representation and identifies religious violence as a tool to gain power; it is through this lens that this dissertation positions sectarianism. This dissertation provides the groundwork for future projects which highlights the truth of American bias and identity issues while using sectarianism in Iraq as a case study for debunking the myth that religious conflict is prevalent in Islam due to the backward nature of the religion and suggests how dialogue might be useful in this instance. / Religion

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