published_or_final_version / Sociology / Master / Master of Philosophy

Utilizing medical manuals, medical records, newspapers, and letters, the history of the management of epidemics from 1803-1902 will be explored. This thesis weaves together and explores the political history of the nineteenth century by analyzing the contribution of doctors and reformers in the management of diseases. This thesis explores the intersection between the construction of a public health system and the implementation of these practices by political actors and physicians. The history of the management of disease is analyzed from the introduction of the mass vaccination campaign, in Spain, in 1803. This thesis first analyzes the development of a public health system focused on prevention. It then challenges the system created by examining how effective these measures were against the multiple waves of cholera to hit Spain. It then addresses the important role reformers had in the late nineteenth century. It was through their efforts that doctors and reformers became explicitly linked to new ideas of citizenship and responsibility. This paper emphasizes both continuity in the importance of health care, but also the transformations in the discourse of public health responsibility. Ultimately, it centers liberalism and an emerging middle class within the discussion of a health policy.

Following decades of protectionism, in 1982 Mexico reacted to its foreign debt crisis by implementing extreme structural adjustment policies and it has continued a pattern of neoliberalism, increasingly opening its economy to international markets. The cumulative impacts of these policies have negatively affected the majority of the Mexican population, and researchers have documented the detrimental effects of neoliberal polices on working and middle classes in other contexts. Based on ethnographic research in Nogales, Sonora, this paper will describe a particular group of Mexicans who have nevertheless risen to middle class status throughout this time period. It will situate them within an industrializing border economy and will investigate some of the factors, both internal and external, that have contributed to their success in this endeavor. Finally, it will raise questions for future research, such as: Is this middle-class sustainable?

The historiographic struggle over the representation of the Paris Commune, as begun by the daily press in 1871 and continued in the works of many subsequent scholars, is in fact part of a larger ideological battle. This thesis argues that in order to understand the significance of the Commune, it is necessary to return to contemporary writings. It studies the bourgeois reaction to the Paris Commune using as source material diaries, correspondence and monographs of upper class observers of the Commune. Through these writings, the Commune is seen as a socialist threat to bourgeois stability, and a sign of the disintegration of the ideals of the French Revolution.

There is no abstract available for this dissertation. / Department of English

No description available.

With the general public becoming increasingly aware of research showing the benefits of connecting with, and spending time in, nature, interest in nature-based early childhood education has grown. I seek to understand how an environmental education program, a forest school, is perceived by a purposeful sample of economically driven parents of school-aged children in Thunder Bay, Ontario. This qualitative research utilizes an ethnographic semistructured interview methodology to explore parents' knowledge, preconceptions, perceptions, and barriers to enrolling their children in forest school programming. I further examine participants' myths of nature as expressed through the presence of cultural metaphors that both reflect and influence how participants view and relate to nature. Findings highlight existing opportunities that may be leveraged to connect with these individuals about environmental education as well as where there currently exist gaps in engagement, providing insight for the development of appropriately framed communications to span this divide.

Doctor of Philosophy / Following decades of sweeping social change, a 'new' Thai middle class emerged to become the main agents of the mass demonstrations which have rocked Bangkok for the better part of the past four years. Yet, the academic literature reveals a marked paucity of data on the urban middle class, and on Bangkok's systems of stratification. This dissertation addresses this lacuna with research based on eighteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in Bangkok. My investigations suggest that an indigenous spatial-symbolic matrix, encapsulated in centralising and hierarchising mandalic principles, continues to inform both cultural understandings of stratification and the socio-spatial structure of Bangkok. However, traditional status distinctions are now pervaded by the idiom of material wealth introduced by the forces of global markets. Today, life in Bangkok is framed by a hierarchy of affluence which echoes the numerical precision of the premodern sakdina system of status differentiation. Accordingly, I argue that the notion of the 'urban-rural divide' popularly used to describe the conflict obscures a more complex reality in which city and countryside are linked by reciprocal relations within both urban and national systems of status and class. This is clearly discernable in the nature of everyday interclass relations in Bangkok which have been exacerbated by contemporary diminishment and marginalisation of upcountry Thais by the urban middle classes. It is an incendiary dynamic that has been exploited to tremendous effect in the current political power struggle. I demonstrate that the middle class is significantly stratified internally, and explore how middle class culture and identity are drawn in large part from their understandings of status practices of elites. Much of this takes place in the public spaces of the city's scores of shopping malls, which articulate a local vernacular of prestige where hierarchical power relations are inscribed in urban space. Structural constraints and the societal privileging of wealth and connections are constant challenges to middle class aspirations for upward mobility, and the Bangkokian middle class harbours no illusions of Thai society as a meritocracy. This disenchantment has been channelled into a churning politics of resentment with demonstrably explosive potential. Ultimately, however, I argue that middle class discontent will contribute little to reform while the majority of individuals feel their only avenue for social mobility is to negotiate a pre-existing system of stratification which many perceive as unjust.

Doctor of Philosophy / Following decades of sweeping social change, a 'new' Thai middle class emerged to become the main agents of the mass demonstrations which have rocked Bangkok for the better part of the past four years. Yet, the academic literature reveals a marked paucity of data on the urban middle class, and on Bangkok's systems of stratification. This dissertation addresses this lacuna with research based on eighteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in Bangkok. My investigations suggest that an indigenous spatial-symbolic matrix, encapsulated in centralising and hierarchising mandalic principles, continues to inform both cultural understandings of stratification and the socio-spatial structure of Bangkok. However, traditional status distinctions are now pervaded by the idiom of material wealth introduced by the forces of global markets. Today, life in Bangkok is framed by a hierarchy of affluence which echoes the numerical precision of the premodern sakdina system of status differentiation. Accordingly, I argue that the notion of the 'urban-rural divide' popularly used to describe the conflict obscures a more complex reality in which city and countryside are linked by reciprocal relations within both urban and national systems of status and class. This is clearly discernable in the nature of everyday interclass relations in Bangkok which have been exacerbated by contemporary diminishment and marginalisation of upcountry Thais by the urban middle classes. It is an incendiary dynamic that has been exploited to tremendous effect in the current political power struggle. I demonstrate that the middle class is significantly stratified internally, and explore how middle class culture and identity are drawn in large part from their understandings of status practices of elites. Much of this takes place in the public spaces of the city's scores of shopping malls, which articulate a local vernacular of prestige where hierarchical power relations are inscribed in urban space. Structural constraints and the societal privileging of wealth and connections are constant challenges to middle class aspirations for upward mobility, and the Bangkokian middle class harbours no illusions of Thai society as a meritocracy. This disenchantment has been channelled into a churning politics of resentment with demonstrably explosive potential. Ultimately, however, I argue that middle class discontent will contribute little to reform while the majority of individuals feel their only avenue for social mobility is to negotiate a pre-existing system of stratification which many perceive as unjust.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toronto, 2004. / Adviser: Cecilia Morgan.