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Rapid economic growth in emerging economies since the end of the Cold War has driven debate on American 'relative decline'; the relative diminution of US material capabilities with respect to other states. Such relative decline poses potential constraints on US power and has thus manifested itself in arguments over the economic merits of the United States' expansive military commitments. Contributing to this literature, my thesis answers the following question: does American military strategy generate economic benefits? I argue that that there is significant evidence to suggest that US military strategy has influenced international economic relationships in ways beneficial to US national interests. Principally, my analysis shows American military strategy acts as a 'underwriter' for the extant international economic system. I explore two logics associated with this. Firstly, a general 'status quo' logic which sees military power as both a guarantor and promoter of specific structural configurations of the international political economy. And secondly, a more specific 'utility' logic operating on other states either bilaterally or multilaterally. This pathway assumes that US military strategy, particularly its security guarantees, may alter the utility of other states decisions in America's favour. This thesis also shows that specific results often prove far more tentative and circumstantial than commonly articulated by scholars in the literature. Nearly all specific and 'utility' pathways through which the United States is hypothesized to derive economic benefit suffer from foundational generalisability issues, irrespective of methodology. This suggests that specific avenues and instances of US military strategy influencing international economic relationships are not likely to be a reliable or prudent source of future policy making. Rather, the principal political-economic influence to consider is the role US military power plays in underwriting the contemporary American centred international order, which is the prerequisite for other specific pathways to emerge.

Thesis (M.M.A.S.)--School of Advanced Airpower Studies, 1995. / Subject: Examines how airpower can help resolve time-induced tensions between political and military imperatives in the conduct of modern warfare. Cover page date: June 1995. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

The Battle of New Hope Church was fought on May 25-26, 1864 as part of the Atlanta Campaign of the American Civil War. This research utilizes historical records along with archaeological fieldwork in order to better understand the battlefield landscape. In particular, I seek to answer whether soldiers behaved in, perceived of, and constructed the battlefield landscape based on a set of cultural norms imposed on them by the strict structure of the military. This research offers insight into the construction of the battlefield landscape at New Hope Church, how it is connected to related battlefield landscapes, and how it has been memorialized as a landscape of conflict.

A nation¡¦s military strategy is changes with the integrated environment¡¦s transformation in different time which including international environment, national power and types of war. Two things had happen in the phase from later of 1980¡¦s to early of 1990¡¦s: 1. The collapse of Soviet Union and East European Communist Group that caused the international system became multi-pole system (or one super power and several great power system ); 2. The Gulf War in 1991 that means the type of war started to transform from mechanical war to informational war. In the such conditions. China decided to change it¡¦s military strategy in the new era from ¡§prepare to handle the local war in the normal conditions¡¨ to ¡§prepare to win the local war in the high technical conditions¡¨ in 1993. Then, China declared it¡¦s military strategy transformed from ¡§prepare to win the local war in the high technical conditions¡¨ to ¡§prepare to win the local war in the informational conditions¡¨ in China¡¦s National Defense White Paper 2004 and 2006. The paper focus on China¡¦s military strategy changing in the post cold war era that including four main parts: 1. An Analysis of the environment¡¦s changing of military strategy, such as international environment, types of war, military affairs changes, developments of economics, technology and informational; 2. An Analysis of the transformations of China¡¦s strategy culture and national security strategy; 3. An Analysis of the developments of military strategy source that including military institutions and organizations, national defense technology and weapon system, military education and training, military logistics and expense; 4. A forecast of the trend and limitations of China¡¦s military strategy in the future.

This dissertation explores the role of public opinion in U.S. presidential decisions to employ various alternatives in response to an international crisis. Presidents may choose from a range of force alternatives, including non-force alternatives, troop mobilizations, air strikes or ground assaults. Using the Poliheuristic Theory, I argue that public attitudes toward the use of force in a given crisis play a key role in the decision making process leading to such choices. The direction and intensity of public opinion is driven by a relative value assessment by which the public determines whether the benefits of a use of force are worth the costs. Presidents are aware of this relative value assessment and rule out crisis responses that are likely to violate the public's preferences in the first stage of the decision making process. In the second stage, presidents choose among the remaining alternatives by weighing the relative merits of each with respect to military and international-strategic implications. To test hypotheses following from this theoretical argument, I employ two methodological approaches. The first is statistical analysis. I develop a new data set of presidential crisis response choices and expand an existing data set on U.S. public attitudes toward the use of force, from 1949 to 2001. Using two extant data collections identifying international crises, I conduct Ordered Logit analyses, which produce results that are largely supportive of the hypotheses. The second methodological approach is the case study method. I conduct two detailed case studies of decisions to use force in Bosnia (1995) and Afghanistan (2001). These analyses are also supportive of the theoretical argument. I conclude that presidents are largely responsive to public opinion in the selection of crisis responses.

This thesis seeks to examine the evolution of defence policy within the MoD during the period 1979-89. It focuses on the dynamics of policy formulation and implementation within the MoD at the highest level, taking into account the political context, both d~mestic and international, in which defence policy evolved. It shows how the different dimensions to policy: declaratory, military strategy and procurement, interacted with one another and concludes that no single dimension was dominant for the entire period. To undertake this task the thesis uses the concept of concentric time-cycles operating within the Ministry of Defence. This provides a means of understanding: firstly, the objectives and priorities of the various actors involved; and secondly, the areas of policy they were most able to influence. It gives a clear understanding of how policy evolved within the MoD over a specific period of time and the factors that lay behind these changes. In particular, it shows that the way in which the various actors thought was generally a reflection of the time-cycle they were in.

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