Thesis (LL. M.)--Judge Advocate General's School, U.S. Army, 1965. / "April 1965." Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 136-142). Also issued in microfiche.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1947. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves i-xiii).

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Greifswald.

Thesis (LL. M.)--Judge Advocate General's School, United States Army, 1996. / "April 1996." Typescript. Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in microfiche.

No description available.

Master of Arts / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / Lisa Melander / Okinawa, Japan has a long history of struggle with Japan and the United States of America. Okinawa was annexed by the Japanese during the Shogunate, mistreated by Imperial Japan during World War II, destroyed during the Battle of Okinawa, and occupied by U.S. military. Okinawa hosts some of the largest U.S. military bases outside of the Continental United States. Since Okinawa has been occupied by the U.S. military since World War II, it also has a history of contentious politics and protests against the occupation. Okinawa’s economy and cultural identity within the domestic and international spheres with the U.S. military and the Government of Japan has shaped its political protest identities. The “Okinawan Struggle” has evolved and into a new form, but often seen as a long lasting and unified struggle. This thesis explores Okinawa’s different protest episodes during different governing administrations and different economic structures.

Typescript, etc. / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

Since 1945 the state now known as the Federal Republic of Germany has experienced: • quadripartite military occupation • . division into two states organised in line with Cold War polarity • the construction and fortification of a brutal border and (following an unforeseen chain of events) • a spectacular dismantling of that order and the subsequent re-joining of the previously divided parts. Following that, there has been an alignment and absorption of the newly created single state into the framework of Western democracy in its broadest sense. The process of the British accommodation to these changing German identities represents the main themes of these collected publications. Together, they seek to portray the complexity of the role Britain has played in constructing, managing and accepting this accommodation. Individually, they chart steps along the way. Though attention has rightly been paid elsewhere to the variety of roles and policy positions adopted by the two German states and by the new single one via-A-vis relations with other European states, the impact of these on relations with Germany's former victors from World War Two and subsequent allies, East or West, represents a more recently identified area for research. These collected publications seek to highlight, from a post-unification perspective, major milestones in the development of relations between Britain and Germany since 1945. They deal with the two major problematics of the Cold War period and its dramatic end with the fall of the Berlin Wall on 9/10 November 1989, namely the questions of British attitudes to German (re-)unification and the appropriate way to deal with the GDR, both before and after diplomatic recognition. Also covered are the themes of the British contribution to the construction of German democracy in the immediate post-war period and the benefits, tensions and conflicts deriving from more recent developments in bilateral business relationships. Further themes relate to the role of the print media in representing these topic areas, and to new insights derived from archive research into GDR policy towards the West.

Between 1935 and 1941, fascist Italy built an empire in East Africa at a speed and intensity never before seen in the world. Making Fascist Empire Work examines how Italy was able to undertake and organize this intensive, totalizing colonization. Analyzing four colonizing enterprises – an extensive mining concession in Wallega, the Bank of Italy in Addis Ababa, itinerant truckers, and settler farmers in Shoa – reveals that Italian entrepreneurs were essential to the colonization project. They provided the know-how, labor, and financing needed to carry out the regime’s ambitious plans. Moreover, these profit- and adventure-seeking entrepreneurs adapted their enterprises to the local environmental, economic, and political circumstances. They negotiated with local Ethiopian elites and Italian authorities. They also organized their own racial hierarchies of labor in their workplaces and homes. Often, Italian entrepreneurs contravened the fascist regime’s racial apartheid in order to keep costs low and profits high. Yet, the fascist regime knew that self-interested entrepreneurs and market forces alone could not rapidly build its totalitarian empire. Thus, each case study reveals how the fascist regime created specialized parastatal entities and deployed corporatist instruments to control industries, spur development, and strictly separate Italians and Ethiopians. The net result, I argue, was what I call “fascist settler colonialism,” meaning violent empire-building, made possible by the occupation, yet dependent on unleashing private enterprise that, in turn, had to be disciplined by the corporatist state. Over the short term of the empire’s life, the fascist regime was thereby able to supercharge imperial development. Making Fascist Empire Work makes three interventions in the fields of Italian and imperial history. First, its comparative approach reveals how practices creating racial and class boundaries strategically varied across the diverse empire in relation to an industry’s labor demands and the existing socio-political structures of the Ethiopian empire. It is the first study to do so. Second, it refutes the existing scholarship’s assertion that private enterprises were insignificant to the colonization. Instead, Making Fascist Empire Work demonstrates that Italian entrepreneurs actively participated in the imperial project and were central to its success. Moreover, it provides a new account of how fascist corporatism was enacted and contested in Italian East Africa. Its third intervention speaks to imperial history more broadly. Italian East Africa demonstrated that an organized corporatist economy could undertake rapid, intense, and extensive colonial development. It challenged and inspired other imperial powers to reconsider how they approached economic development in their colonies. Ultimately, Making Fascist Empire Work raises new questions about the significance and influence of Italian corporative colonialism on other empires in the interwar and postwar years.

After the Civil War, the government needed to send an occupation force into Texas to help rebuild the state government and confront the French Imperialist forces that had invaded Mexico. Unfortunately, the government was required to use volunteers because the Regular Army was not yet prepared to handle such a mission. Using citizen soldiers for peacetime occupation was a break from past military tradition, and the men did not appreciate such an act. Historians of Reconstruction Texas have focused on state politics, the rampant violence in the state throughout this period, and the role of freedmen in situating themselves to an uncertain and hostile society. Studies of the military in post-Civil War Texas have examined the army’s role in the state’s political reconstruction, but largely ignore the soldiers. Additionally, these works tend to over-generalize the experience and relations of the troops and Texans. This thesis looks at Western citizen soldiers, comprising the Fourth and Thirteenth Army Corps as well as two cavalry divisions, stationed in Texas after the war from the Rio Grande to San Antonio to Marshall. Beginning with the unit’s receiving official orders to proceed to Texas after the surrender of the principal Confederate forces in 1865, it follows the movements from wartime positions in Tennessee and Alabama to peacetime posts within Texas. The study examines Texan-soldier relations as they differed from place to place. It also investigates the Westerners’ peacetime occupation duties and the conditions endured in Texas. The thesis argues that there was diversity in both the Western volunteers’ experiences and relations with occupied Texans, and it was not as monolithic as past historians have suggested. Specifically, this study endeavors to supplement the existing historiography of the army in Texas during Reconstruction. Broadly, this thesis also hopes to be a more general look at the use of citizen soldiers for postwar occupation duty.