Inaug.-Diss.--Marburg. / Vita. Bibliography: p. iii-xvi.

Thesis (PH. D.)--Michigan State University. History, 2008. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Sept. 2, 2009) Includes bibliographical references (p. 261-273). Also issued in print.

Inaugural dissertation--Greifswald. / Lebenslauf. "Literaturverzeichnis": p. [5]-7.

This dissertation examines the 1916 US occupation of the Dominican Republic to analyze how US and Dominican stakeholders used public schools to disseminate their notions of Dominican citizenship. Drawing on correspondence and memos from the Department of Public Instruction in the Dominican Republic and US military government, as well as periodicals and newspapers from both countries, this dissertation examines how US officials, education administrators, and guardians engaged in these efforts. Although the US military government used schools to exert state control, Dominicans individually and collectively redirected these state institutions to serve their needs and to negotiate their relationship to the state. Schools were central to how both Americans and Dominicans of all classes articulated, circulated, and practiced ideas about membership to and within the Dominican nation. From plans to create US allies in an expanding US empire to the formation of an economically productive “mulatto” rural peasantry and a cultured and informed citizenry, US officers in the military government as well as Dominican education administrators and guardians, used public schools to realize their imaginings for the Dominican nation.

No description available.

Situated in Virginia's Lower Shenandoah Valley, Winchester, Virginia, endured numerous occupations during the Civil War. Arguably the worst the townspeople endured was General Robert Huston Milroy's—January 1, 1863-June 15, 1863. A staunch abolitionist and fervent supporter of the Union, Milroy fought a war not only against Confederate troops, but against the Confederate population as well. He firmly believed that only an Old-Testament style scourge of the land could rid this country of slavery and restore the Union. Milroy's strong convictions moved him to inflict his will on Winchester's population. Exiles, arrests of civilians (women and children included), secret detectives, and widespread destruction of property, were the norm during Milroy's occupation. While this study examines Milroy's biography from birth to death, its focus is on his six month tenure as military commander in Winchester. General Milroy has never before been the subject of an in depth biographical study. His military career was plagued by his constant bickering with West Point graduates. Ultimately it was his contempt for West Pointers that brought a rapid conclusion to his military career. He despised professional soldiers and spent his Civil War career trying to prove that non-professional volunteer officers were equal or better in ability to graduates of the United States Military Academy. "My will is absolute law" also serves as a valuable tool for scholars interested in understanding the undying Confederate spirit on the home front and how Federal soldiers initially enforced President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation in occupied areas. / Master of Arts

A presente tese tem por objeto o conflito na Palestina/Israel, mais especificamente as políticas da ocupação israelense na Faixa de Gaza e Cisjordânia e a vulnerabilidade palestina, desde 1967 até os dias de hoje. A situação é analisada a partir da contextualização do conflito no mundo contemporâneo e na região e da contraposição entre bibliografia específica e geral com relatórios de direitos humanos e humanitários. Averígua-se em que medida essa documentação referenda ou fragiliza diferentes interpretações do conflito e da ocupação, bem como quais outras leituras são sugeridas por sua análise. É a permanência do impasse que mantém o tema sempre atual, justificando seu estudo. Constata-se a manutenção de um padrão peculiar de violações sistemáticas dos direitos humanos e humanitários dos palestinos pelo Estado e parte da população israelense, que os mantêm expostos à violência soberana, sendo adequados também para a compreensão dessa situação o conceito de terrorismo estatal e as categorias agambeanas de homo sacer e campo. / This thesis deals with the conflict in Palestine/Israel, more specifically the policies of the Israeli occupation in the Gaza Strip and West Bank and the Palestinian vulnerability, from 1967 to the present day. To analyze the conflict and the occupation they are contextualized in the contemporary world and in the region and the specific and general bibliography are compared to human and humanitarian rights reports. One checks to what extent this documentation endorses or undermines different interpretations of the conflict and Israeli occupation, as well as what other readings are suggested by their analysis. It is the permanence of the impasse that keeps the theme always current, justifying its study. Is verified the maintenance of a peculiar pattern of systematic violations of the human and humanitarian rights of the Palestinians by the State and part of the Israeli population, which keeps them exposed to sovereign violence, and the pertinence of the concept of state terrorism and of the agambean categories of homo sacer and camp to understand this situation.

This thesis examines strategies of rule deployed during the British occupation of north-western Germany from 1945 to 1949 and explores instances of cooperation and conflict between the occupiers and the occupied population. While the literature has primarily looked at the occupation through the lens of big political projects, this study analyses the application of quotidian ruling strategies and the making of stability on the ground. Techniques for controlling the German population were devised during the war and transmitted to officials through extensive training. Lessons from previous occupations and imperial experiences also entered the Military Government’s ruling philosophy by way of the biographical composition of its top cadre. Once in Germany, the British instituted a system of ‘indirect rule’ which relied on focal points of visibility as embodied by their local officials charged with cooperating with German notables, and invisible instances of supervision in the form of mass surveillance of civilian communications. To illustrate the way the occupiers dealt with conflict, the thesis analyses the dispensation of punishment for breaking Military Government laws, demonstrating that the British often issued severe punishment when their monopoly of force was contested, thus belying the notion of a particularly docile occupation. During mass popular protests, however, they sought to use moderate German trade unionists as intermediaries tasked with diffusing popular unrest, who were co-opted in exchange for material and propagandistic support. The British also used German administrators at the local and regional level, many of whom had a distinctively technocratic and conservative profile and who were appointed for their administrative experience rather than for their political inclinations. Through lobbying by British ecclesiastical figures, the occupiers also cooperated extensively with the German Churches, who were seen as effective partners in the re-Christianisation of Germany and increasingly as an essential bulwark against Communism. The thesis concludes that the long-term legacies of the British occupation lay in the effects of ‘indirect rule’, which exacerbated social inequalities by strengthening the profile of certain social elites at the expense of mass politics. The occupation is finally placed within the comparative context of occupations in Western Europe during the mid-20th century, which had the common legacy of buttressing elites who were primarily concerned with the making of stability rather than with participatory democracy, thus giving the post-war era its conservative mould.

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of St Andrews, May 2009.

Since 2005, when the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued its opinion deeming the Israeli Separation Wall and settlements illegal, there have been significant developments in the nonviolent methods adopted for countering Israeli occupation. While Palestinian nonviolent resistance has existed throughout history, from this time onwards, there have been a number of factors that give this period its unique traits. The most central method that has been adopted by all nonviolent actors is to influence economic interaction with Israel in a way that is in line with international law, and is supportive of the official positions adopted by the countries that nonviolent activists aim to influence. While Israeli settlements are illegal according to international law, they include industrial areas that export products to many countries. Through this contradiction, nonviolent activists have found an opportunity to pressurise countries to end their economic ties with those settlements, and consequently put pressure Israel to change its settlement policies. Some of these call for ending economic ties with Israel itself, because it is upholding the settlements, and some call for ending ties only with Israeli settlements; in other words, some target the criminal and others just the crime. In 2010, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) adopted its first unilateral program that was not in agreement with Israel, and which introduced a strategy for the cessation of economic ties with Israeli settlements. This was done through a mixture of national public awareness campaigns to influence consumer behaviour, and the introduction of legislation by which it became illegal for Palestinian enterprises to have any economic ties with Israeli settlements. After starting by focussing on its own markets, the PNA called upon other countries to follow suit by lobbying government officials, parliamentarians, and financial institutions. However, this action came five years after a call for a full boycott, including divestment and sanctions against Israel, made by Palestinian civil society organizations and political parties. This call, known as the BDS call had gained tremendous support and amalgamated a large pool of members internationally by the time that the PNA started with its campaign for a limited boycott. This disparity has had a significant influence on the dynamics of the boycott movement, both locally in Palestine and globally. This research explores those dynamics. It takes an in-­‐‑depth look at the effort to end economic ties with settlements, including who the actors are, what they aim for, how they interact, and how effective they have been. The PNA’s program to end economic ties with settlements was chosen as a case study for this doctoral thesis, because of its central position in relation to the topic and the unique access to its documentation through the author’s previous role as its director.