Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict cannot be classified as an isolated conflict. Today’s clashes were not triggered by a single event, but rather are as a result of thousands of years of violent and at times restrained disagreements about the rights of Jews, Muslims and other ethnic groups to the disputed land known collectively today as Israel and the Palestinian Territories. This study examines the media coverage of one event during the conflict, i.e. the withdrawal by Israeli settlers from the Gaza area. The study tracks coverage over ten weeks in the South African media context, specifically the Mail & Guardian, Cape Times and the Sunday Times – a media setting in itself highly diverse and compelling. Using a qualitative framing analysis as the central methodology, the study focused on six core frames in analysing all articles/reports relating to the Gaza withdrawal. In addition, the editors of the respective newspapers were interviewed to complement the textual analysis. The methodological approach addressed how each story was packaged and presented, and then questioned why certain frames dominated and others did not. The study found that conflict (a combination of violent and non-violent) was the dominant frame chosen. Consequences and Attribution of Responsibility were the next two most prominent frames. Both these frames were found to apportion blame to a particular side in presenting the news reports and when providing comment. Whilst all three newspapers argued that they practiced a balanced coverage, it was this perceived “balance” in using several different frames of presentation that neglected a key “historical” frame. This lack of historical context was one of the key results of the other frames being so dominant. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die konflik tussen Israel en Palestina kan nie gesien word as ’n geïsoleerde konflik nie. Die huidige konflik is nie veroorsaak deur ’n enkele gebeurtenis nie, maar spruit uit die voortslepende geweld tussen Jode, Moslems en ander etniese groepe wat reeds duisende jare lank duur, as gevolg van betwiste aansprake op die grondgebied gesamentlik bekend as Israel en die Palestynse grondgebied. Dié studie ondersoek die mediadekking van een gebeurtenis in die konflik, naamlik die onttrekking van Israeli setlaars in die Gaza-gebied. Die studie volg mediadekking oor tien weke deur drie Suid-Afrikaanse publikasies, Mail & Guardian, Cape Times en Sunday Times. Met behulp van kwalitatiewe raming-analise as die sentrale metodologie, konsentreer dié studie op ses rame in die analise van artikels, wat verband hou met die onttrekking uit die Gasastrook. Die navorsing word aangevul met onderhoude met die redakteurs van die koerante. Die metodologie is toegespits op die manier waarop die stories verpak en aangebied word, en bevraagteken waarom sekere raamwerke oorheers en ander van minder belang is. Die studie bevind dat Konflik (’n samestelling van geweldadige en nie-geweldadige konflik) die oorheersende raam was waarbinne artikels in dié tydperk aangebied is. Die Gevolge- en Toeskrywing van Verantwoordelikheid-rame kom ná konflik die meeste voor. By albei raamwerke word bevind dat skuld aan die een of ander kant toegeskryf word in die aanbiedeing van nuusverslae en wanneer kommentaar gelewer word. Hoewel al drie koerante volhou dat hulle gebalanseerde dekking aanbied, word ’n belangrike “historiese” raam in dié aanbieding verontagsaam as gevolg van die gebruik van verskeie rame om balans te bewerkstellig. Die gebrek aan ’n historiese konteks is een van die vernaamste gevolge van die oorheersing van die ander rame.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar as ações militares lideradas pelos EUA no Afeganistão, em 2001, como resposta aos notórios ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro daquele ano contra o WTC e o pentágono, tendo como o foco confrontar os argumentos jurídico-políticos dos EUA utilizados no sentido de qualificar suas ações militares no referido conflito armado pretensamente sob a égide da legítima defesa, com os argumentos jurídicos trazidos pelas normas, usos e costumes e doutrina do direito internacional. Na primeira parte do trabalho, são relatados, mediante a utilização da doutrina internacional, e de documentos de política externa, os fatos envolvendo o conflito armado no Afeganistão de 2001, expondo os principais acontecimentos, segundo uma ordem cronológica, abordando também as Resoluções da ONU sobre tais eventos. Também será exposta uma breve síntese contendo uma contextualização histórica e geopolítica sobre o Afeganistão. Na segunda parte do trabalho, são destacadas algumas das seqüelas produzidas por tais fatos, quais sejam: a Estratégia de Segurança Nacional dos EUA, lançada em 2002, também conhecida como a \'Doutrina Bush\', com a respectiva política de ataques preventivos; e a subseqüente e polêmica invasão militar norte-americana ao Iraque em 2003, que ficou conhecida como a Segunda Guerra do Golfo. Finalmente, na terceira parte do trabalho, faz-se um enfrentamento mais direto dos argumentos utilizados pelos EUA para legitimar, sob o manto da legítima defesa individual ou coletiva, o uso da força contra o Afeganistão, expondo, para tanto, contra-argumentos lastreados no Direito Internacional vigente, contendo, em primeiro lugar, a evolução histórica da regulação do uso da força e do sistema de segurança coletiva, a imperatividade das normas internacionais que autorizam o uso da força, e suas exceções legítimas. Demonstrada a solidez dos arts. 2 (4) e 51 da Carta da ONU, e da Resolução 3314/74 da Assembléia-Geral da ONU, \"Definição de Agressão\", conclui-se pela ausência, no conflito objeto deste estudo, do elemento caracterizador da legítima defesa, o ato de agressão atribuível a um determinado Estado (o Afeganistão); da usurpação das limitações ao seu exercício: a proporcionalidade e provisoriedade da situação criada; bem como alertando-se sobre os riscos inerentes na redução dos requisitos previstos pelo artigo 51 da Carta das Nações Unidas. / This dissertation aims to analyze the actions led by the U.S. military forces in Afghanistan, in 2001, in response to the notorious terrorist attacks occurred on 11 September 2001 against the WTC and the Pentagon, mainly focusing on comparing all legal and political arguments which U.S. claim to qualify their military actions in the aforementioned armed conflict under the aegis of self-defense, with the legal arguments brought by the rules, practices and customs of international law and doctrine. In the first part of the work, by using the international doctrine, and documents of foreign policy, the facts involving the armed conflict in Afghanistan in 2001 are reported outlining the main events, according to a chronological order, and also addressing the UN Resolutions on such events. It will also be exposed on a brief contextualization of Afghanistan\'s history and geopolitical situation. In the second part of work, some of the sequels produced by such facts are highlighted, which are the following: the U.S. National Security Strategy, launched in 2002, also known as the \'Bush Doctrine\', containing its policy of preventive attacks, and also the subsequent and controversy U.S. military invasion of Iraq in 2003, which would became known as the Second Gulf War. Finally, in the third part of the work, there will be a more direct confrontation between the arguments used to legitimize the U. S. actions against Afghanistan, under the mantle of individual or collective self-defense, and therefore the counter-arguments supported by the existing international law, that will inc1ude, firstly, the historical evolution of the regulation of the use of force and the collective security system, the imperative international law that grants the legitimate exceptions for the use of force. Whereas there will be demonstrated the consistency of the artic1es 2 (4) and 51 of the UN Charter and the Resolution 3314/74 of the UN General Assembly, \"Definition of Aggression\" it is conc1uded that in this specific armed conflict, an essential element of self-defense is not present: an aggression attributable to a specific state (Afghanistan); and also are missing all the limitations required during self-defense exercise: the proportionality and the provisional character of the created situation in Afghanistan; lastly it is underlined the inherent risks of reducing the requirements established by Article 51 of the UN Charter.

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:01:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Seguy_Franck_D.pdf: 12325038 bytes, checksum: 5a8200079f0b441c718672de85637ef1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta tese apresenta uma análise da formação social haitiana no contexto do terremoto que abalou o país, no dia 12 de janeiro de 2010. Partindo das promessas de reconstrução do país e das políticas implementadas pela Internacional Comunitária, a tese procura mostrar que, na verdade, está vigorando no Haiti atualmente uma realidade de tipo colonial, qual, à luz do que já estava acontecendo no país, deixa tudo encaminhado para que apenas as estruturas cujo papel é administrar essa ordem de condenação à precariedade sejam (re)construídas pela ajuda internacional. Para tal demonstrar, a tese procura desvelar as raízes históricas das relações internacionais no Haiti tentando reconstituir o processo e analisar as condições pelas quais se operou o deslizamento do país na tamanha degradação e desumanização da vida das quais padece hoje. Num segundo momento, a pesquisa busca estudar as raízes ontológico-filosóficas desse estado de coisas, examinando principalmente a categoria de modernidade e seu papel na estruturação da sociedade haitiana, realçando principalmente seu lado camuflado ¿ o lado colonial, explorador, como outra parte constitutiva de seu projeto civilizatório dito emancipador. Desta maneira, o estudo estabelece a participação da chamada Comunidade internacional na construção sócio-histórica da catástrofe de janeiro de 2010 que afundou ainda mais as trabalhadoras e os trabalhadores haitianos na mais desumana precariedade imposta, entretanto, como norma de existência. A partir desse ângulo de visão, é argumentado nesta tese que o desastre de 2010 merece ser inscrito no continuum do que é o Haiti: uma anomalia histórica impensável no âmbito do pensamento moderno/colonial/escravista ocidental, uma vez que o Haiti representa o único exemplo na Historia de um povo escravizado que rompeu com os suas correntes e forçou pelas armas uma grande potência colonial/moderna a recuar / Abstract: This thesis presents an analysis of the Haitian social formation in the context of the earthquake that rocked the country on January 12, 2010. Based on the promises of reconstruction and the policies implemented by the International Communitary, the thesis seeks to show that, in fact, is currently in force in Haiti a colonial type of reality, which, in light of what was already happening in the country, lets all routed so that only those structures whose role is to administer this order of condemnation of precariousness may be (re)constructed through international aid. To demonstrate this, the thesis seeks to reveal the historical roots of international relations in Haiti trying to reconstruct the process and analyze the conditions under which has been operated a sliding of the country in such degradation and dehumanization of life which suffers today. In the same purpose, the research seeks to study the ontological-philosophical roots of this state of things, mainly examining the category of modernity and its role in the structuring of Haitian society, particularly highlighting his camouflaged side ¿ the colonial one, explorer, as another constituent part of its civilizing project, called emancipator. Thus, the study establishes the participation of the international communitary called on the socio-historical construction of the January 2010 disaster that sank even more Haitian workers in the most inhuman precariousness imposed, however, as standard of their existence. From this angle of view, it is argued in this thesis that the 2010 disaster should be entered in the continuum that is Haiti: an unthinkable historical anomaly in the context of modern/colonial/western slavery thought, since Haiti is the only example in history of an enslaved people who broke with his chains and forced by arms a great modern/colonial power to retreat / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

En 1917, les Bolcheviks prennent le pouvoir en Russie, répudient la dette extérieure, nationalisent les entreprises privées et imposent un début de gestion soviétique à l’économie. La France, dont les liens économiques avec la Russie ont été largement renforcés durant les trois décennies d’avant-guerre, voit ses immenses avoirs dans l’ancien Empire compromis. Les milieux privés français, qui sont les plus lésés parmi ceux des puissances alliées, réagissent fortement à ce changement de régime. Ce mémoire s’intéresse à ces milieux d’affaires et cherche à comprendre comment ils réagissent à la prise de pouvoir soviétique. Jouent-ils un rôle dans l’évolution du processus décisionnel vers l’intervention militaire? Ont-ils un impact sur le terrain en Russie? Comment subissent-ils l’échec final des efforts français? Nous démontrons que le facteur économique est central dans l’adoption d’une politique interventionniste. Nous étudions également comment le gouvernement cherche à soutenir les milieux privés discrètement, mais les utilise surtout pour avancer ses propres intérêts en Russie. Enfin, nous démontrons que l’échec des milieux privés à protéger leurs intérêts a de nombreuses causes communes avec l’échec de l’intervention militaire. / In 1917, the Bolshevik party seized power in Russia, repudiated state debt, nationalized private enterprises and imposed early forms of Soviet management to the economy. France, whose economic ties with Russia had largely grown during the three previous decades, saw her huge investments in the country compromised. The French private sector, by far the most affected of all Allied powers, reacted strongly to this regime change. This memoir focuses on the subsequent actions of the private sector, and seeks to understand how they reacted to the Bolshevik’s coming to power. Did they play a role in the process of decision-making towards military intervention? Did they have any impact on the ground in Russia? How did they react to the ultimate failure of the intervention and the loss of their assets? We demonstrate that the economic factor was central in the adoption of an interventionist policy. We also examine how the French government discreetly tried to support the private sector, but mostly used it to advance its own interests in Russia. Finally, we demonstrate that the failure of the private sector to defend its interests has many common causes with the failure of the military intervention itself.

This thesis intends to prove that Stephen V. Ash’s model of occupation from his work, When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, is applicable to St. Augustine’s occupation experience in the Civil War. Three overarching themes in Ash’s work are consistent with Civil War St. Augustine. First, that Union policy of conciliation towards southern civilians was abandoned after the first few months of occupation due to both nonviolent and violent resistance from those civilians. Second, that Ash’s “zones of occupation” of the occupied South, being garrisoned towns, no-man’s-land, and the Confederate frontier apply to St. Augustine and the surrounding countryside. Finally, Ash’s assertions that the southern community was changed by the war and Union occupation, is reflected in the massive demographic shifts that rocked St. Augustine from 1862 to 1865. This thesis will show that all three of Ash’s themes apply to St. Augustine’s Civil War occupation experience and confirms the author’s generalizations about life in the occupied South.

Lorraine and Savoie were both occupied twice by French armies during the personal rule of Louis XIV. Lorraine was initially invaded and occupied in 1670 to support the French strategic and logistic position in the Dutch War, yet due to political expediency this developed into a policy of outright annexation. The French relinquished Lorraine due to international pressures in 1697, but partially reoccupied it from 1702 to 1714, again as a result of strategic and logistical necessity. Savoie was occupied from 1690 to 1696 and again from 1703 to 1713 as a response to successive breakdowns in Franco-Savoyard relations, and to guarantee the south-eastern frontier of the kingdom. There was no pre-conceived or uniform policy practiced by the French when it came to the occupations of these territories, and these instead developed on the basis of events and pressures that were often beyond the control of the French government. In essence, the principal French approach to occupied territories was paternalistic, their main priority being to uphold Louis’s newly-asserted sovereignty and pay the costs of the occupation while impressing upon the local elites the benefits of collaboration and the pitfalls of continued loyalty to their old ruler. The French became more sophisticated generally towards occupied territories as the reign progressed, at least as far as circumstances allowed. In sum, the key variables that influenced how the French handled these lands, other than time and place, were security issues, local loyalties, and the expectation of either retention by France or restitution to the original sovereign.

Cette recherche porte sur la migration de citoyens de pays du Nord dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés (TPO). Elle vise à analyser les trajectoires sociales et migratoires de ces individus, désignés localement « internationaux », ainsi qu'à montrer comment ils sont des acteurs dans la situation locale au travers de leurs mobilités, leurs emplois et leurs engagements. Cette problématique de recherche s'inscrit au croisement de deux phénomènes : d'une part, la diversification et l'accroissement des migrations internationales, et plus spécifiquement celles allant du Nord vers le Sud, et, d'autre part, l'émergence de conditions matérielles et professionnelles favorables à l'arrivée de citoyens étrangers dans un pays en conflit, sous l'effet de l'afflux massif de l'aide internationale depuis les années 1990. L'étude des profils sociaux des « internationaux » résidant dans les TPO révèle une forte homogénéité sociale et culturelle : on observe ainsi une migration de jeunes hautement diplômés, issus de familles de classes moyennes supérieures d'Europe ou d'Amérique du Nord, et particulièrement dotés en capitaux culturels. Toutefois, l'analyse des trajectoires souligne une certaine diversité des parcours migratoires et des liens entretenus à la Palestine. La seconde partie de cette thèse s'intéresse à la place politique et sociale des « internationaux » dans l'espace israélo-palestinien. La question des mobilités est cruciale pour saisir la position inédite de cette population migrante. Sa présence dans les TPO fait l'objet d'un contrôle important et croissant de la part des autorités israéliennes qui cherchent à la limiter et à la surveiller. Dans le même temps, à l'intérieur de l'espace israélo-palestinien, les « internationaux » bénéficient de droits à la mobilité dont sont privés les Palestiniens. L'étude des privilèges et des tensions qui en ressortent permet d'interroger les positionnements et le rôle de ces étrangers. Enfin, deux autres thématiques sont explorées : leur participation au système de l'aide internationale et leur engagements politiques vis-à-vis de la cause palestinienne. Tour à tour, pris dans les dynamiques sociopolitiques locales et partie prenante de ces mêmes dynamiques, les citoyens étrangers résidant dans les TPO représentent pour la recherche une entrée heuristique pour penser les circulations Nord-Sud comme la situation palestinienne actuelle. / This PhD research studies the current migration of nationals from northern countries to the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). It aims to analyze the social and migratory trajectories of those called "internationals" and attempts to highlight how, through their mobility practices, work and political engagements, they can be considered a new group of actors in the oPt. This core question falls within two global and regional phenomena: first, the increase and diversification of international migration, especially North to South flows, and secondly, the vast rate of international assistance to the oPt since the 1990s, which has resulted in the emergence of tangible conditions conducive to the migration of foreign citizens to a conflict zone. By examining their social features, a strong social and cultural homogeneity of an apparently divers group of individuals becomes apparent; it is a migration of relatively young, affluent people from the upper middle classes of Europe or North America, endowed with cultural and international capital. However, the study of the trajectories that led them to oPt reveals a diversity of migratory paths and links to Palestine. The second part of my PhD thesis tackles the social and political role and position of "internationals". Mobility rights and practices are a relevant and challenging angle to discuss the atypical position of such migrants. Indeed, Israeli authorities seek to monitor, control and limit foreign presence in the oPt (through a variety of measures), transforming privileged people into suspected and unwanted individuals. Yet inside the Israeli-Palestinian space, they are granted mobility privileges which allow them to circulate freely while Palestinians are rendered immobile in their homeland. The study of these privileges and the resulting tension calls into question internationals' position in Palestinian society. Finally, internationals' participation in the aid regime and the political actions taken by some migrants on the Palestinian cause are addressed. Through the political and socio-economic implications of their presence, western citizens living in the oPt are an heuristic point of entry to contribute to the fields of North-South migration studies and Palestinian studies.

No description available.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

從日治中期以來就對殖民地政府財政貢獻卓著的臺灣煙酒專賣事業，於1945年10月底政權易手後，依然為新統治者所倚重，在終戰初期的財政上繼續扮演著舉足輕重的角色。 純就歷史的角度來看，以煙酒專賣事業在近代臺灣財政上所佔的份量，理應成為眾所矚目的焦點，唯因戰後千頭萬緒又百廢待舉，新來政權行政效率欠佳也無心兼顧，任憑許多與臺灣國家社會政經建設有關的資料散佚流失，終致釀成一段令人扼腕的歷史空白。 基於尊重史實的態度，本論文乃從紮下臺灣專賣事業雄厚根基的日治時期談起，但旨在探討國民黨政府的對臺接收政策、戰後如何接收原屬於總督府公產的臺灣專賣事業、接掌之後如何維持營運、又曾經面臨哪些難題，以及終戰初期臺灣煙酒專賣收益對政府歲入的重要性等等議題。 終戰初期，在積極復元的過程中，臺灣社會同時也出現嚴重的適應不良症候群，尤其是國民黨政府若干罔顧民情民意的政策與作為，導致政局動盪，經濟更形蕭條，民怨沸騰。終於1947年2月27日傍晚，經由一起武裝緝私員警取締人民販售私煙案現場處理失當而引爆震驚國際的慘劇──「二二八事件」，當然也在本研究檢視之列。 本論文試圖結合當年有限的史料，以及解嚴後陸續出土的官方檔案文獻與民間研究成果，期能以較為寬闊而多元的視野，重新呈現臺灣煙酒專賣事業在終戰初期的樣貌，俾補綴這一段現已鮮為人知或疏忽遺漏的臺灣現代史，甚且充實現階段「臺灣研究」的內涵。 / The monopoly of tobacco and wine in Taiwan has been a major source of revenue for the Japanese Colonial Government since the middle period of its occupation. After Japan ceded Taiwan to the Nationalist Government of China in October 1945, it continued to be the policy of the new ruling power, the result of which greatly redounded to the new government’s fiscal income, especially during the early post-war years. As the monopoly policy has left a deep imprint on Taiwan’s economics, it should have been the focus of much attention. Nevertheless, due to the ruins ravaged by the war and the ineptitude of the government, a lot of historical documents concerning Taiwanese society and economic development were lost, leaving a blank of the history of the monopoly policy. This dissertation aims to survey the history of tobacco and wine monopoly in Taiwan. Starting with the Japanese Colonial Government which laid down a good foundation of the monopoly policy, my research would then focus on the policy of the Nationalist Government toward Taiwan after reclaiming its territory, the way the new government took over the monopoly business and kept it running, the kind of problem it confronted, and the significance of the monopoly business in its contribution to the government’s revenue. The author would also examine the political incident related to the monopoly business, arguing that the real cause of the February 28 Incident(known in Chinese as the “2-2-8 Incident”), though triggered by an anti-smuggling crackdown on February 27, 1947, was Taiwanese refusal to accede to the peremptory policies set by Kuomintang(Nationalist Party or KMT) Government. This research is done based on the limited first-hand documents and the newly released governmental archives, besides some non-governmental documents. Efforts have been made to reconstruct the history of the tobacco and wine monopoly business in the early post-war years with a view to enriching the Taiwan Studies.