This study is one of the responses by the National Park Service to requirements in NAGPRA. The study was commissioned by the NPS Applied Ethnography Program in Washington, D.C., to identify individuals and tribes affiliated with the objects of cultural patrimony, sacred objects, or unassociated funerary objects at five NPS units, review those unit summaries, assist park or center staff in initiating consultation regarding those objects, and conduct a case demonstration consultation for Pipe Spring National Monument. The project was administered under Cooperative Agreement #8100 -1 -0001 between the Western Archeological and Conservation Center, National Park Service and the University of Arizona. While this study was specific to NAGPRA- related issues, the NPS does stipulate in its Management Policies (1988) that consultation with Native Americans will occur with regard to cultural resource issues. NAGPRA is not the only consultation arena the NPS is currently involved in with Native Americans.

Previous research in the Northern San Juan Region of the American Southwest has revealed a pattern of change in subsistence patterns from the Basketmaker II through Pueblo III periods. Jonathan C. Driver describes the pattern as: cottontail in Basketmaker III (500 to 750 CE) and Pueblo I (750 to 900 CE), deer in Pueblo II (900 to 1150 CE), and turkey in Pueblo III (1150 to 1350 CE). The transition from deer to turkey as the main subsistence has been recorded at several sites throughout the Northern San Juan Region and is thought to be caused by the overhunting of deer and increasing social strain. This combination is theorized to have caused the domestication of turkey as a last resort. Analysis conducted on faunal remains and eggshell recovered during excavation at Coal Bed Village by Brigham Young University et al. supports part of this pattern. Evidence of ritual display is evident in Basketmaker III and early Pueblo II contexts, with evidence of ritual or communal feasting in the early Pueblo II period. The rest of the assemblage appears to be domestic refuse. When compared to other large sites within the Montezuma Canyon, Coal Bed Village appears to have greater access to small artiodactyl throughout each of the periods. Contrary to expectations, adult turkey appears to have been eaten in the Basketmaker III, early Pueblo II, and Pueblo III periods. SEM analysis on turkey eggshell from each of these periods suggests that turkeys were domesticated since the Basketmaker III period, with the fresh eggs used as a protein supplement to the Puebloan diet throughout each of the periods. Changes to the amount of embryonic development suggest that, as the periods progressed, the Puebloans continued to use fresh eggs, but also increased the amount of eggs that developed to hatching.

Rico strata are recognised throughout the Four Corners region of southwestern Colorado, southeastern Utah, northeastern Arizona, and northwestern New Mexico. The term Rico has been applied to a group of strata which exhibit a lateral and vertical transition between two contrasting environments, the marine Hermosa and the non-marine Cutler. Two faunal provinces reflect these widely diverse conditions of sedimentation. However, few fossils of diagnostic value have been discovered despite the abundance of fossiliferous strata within the Rico. Rico strata are believed to range between Desmoinesian and Virgilian in age. Lithofacies data on the Rico were assembled from literature, outcrop sections, and various well logs. These data were then compiled on an isopach-lithofacies map. The isopach-lithofacies map shows the thickness trends and the lithologic variations of Rico strata throughout the region of study. The tectonic framework of the region is reconstructed from the isopach-lithofacies map and mechanical analyses of the elastic strata. Clastic material in the Rico increases in average grain size from west to east toward the Uncomphagre Uplift suggest that this area was actively positive during Rico time. The vertical variation of normal marine limestone and clastic red beds in the Rico reflect an alternately transgressing and regressing sea over much of the Four Corners region. This intricate intertonguing of normal marine limestone and clastic red beds probably resulted from deposition in a shallow basin on an unstable shelf. The occurrence of oil, gas, and cement quality limestone in the Rico is examined from an economic aspect. A. brief review of the general geology and geologic history of tile region is also included.

In 1521 a band of several hundred Spaniards overthrew the Aztec empire in Mexico and its ruler, Moctezuma II. This defeat in itself created a major cultural shock for the indigenious population, but the later arrival of Spanish officials and colonists constituted a far greater if less dramatic upheaval. For the victorious Spaniards rejected Aztec governmental institutions, considering them to be distinctly inferior, and quickly substituted their own. Moctezuma II and a substantial number of the Aztec ruling class had died during the violence which accompanied the conquest and those who remained were not permitted to exercise leadership. It was, however, the stated policy of the Spanish Crown that the Indian population of New Spain should be treated with kindness, allowed to retain their property, and led gently toward acceptance of the Christian faith. Among the surviving members of the Aztec nobility were several of the emperor's children, to whom Spanish authorities accorded special attention because of their unique position. Moctezuma II's son, Tlacahuepan, who on his conversion was baptized Pedro de Moctezuma, was one who received special grants and favors, for it was the Crown's intention that members of the emperor's family should be treated with consideration and be provided with the means to live in a fashion suitable to their aristocratic lineage. But during the years following the conquest, forces within the Spanish government and the Spanish and Indian communities came together to frustrate this purpose. Don Pedro and his descendents were very much aware of and prepared to exploit the unusual position their heritage gave them. They believed that the Crown had made promises to them of perpetual income and honors which were unfulfilled and they were prepared to continue their attempts to gain these prizes. The Crown rewarded their persistence with repeated orders to colonial authorities to pay the income owed, but frequently these commands were not answered. As Spanish income from New Spain declined and the quality of government in Spain and the colonies deteriorated, the possibilities that the Moctezuma family might prosper as earlier Spanish governments had decreed they should disappeared. And, at last, it became apparent that the essential inertia which permeated all levels of colonial administration combined with the chasm which existed between the edicts issued from Spain and their effective application in the New World were factors against which no one family could contend successfully.