The Anti-Polygamy Society was established in 1878 to try to encourage Congress to abolish the practice of plural marriage tn Utah Territory. In the brief time that it existed, the women of this Utah-based group sent petitions, circulars, and letters to Congress and many leaders of the country urging that laws be passed to end polygamy. Much of their work was also carried out in the society's newspaper, the Anti-polygamy Standard.By the time that laws were passed that restricted polygamy, the Anti-polygamy Society no longer existed. Nonetheless, the society was important in the anti-polygamy crusade because it was responsible for starting the movement that finally ended polygamy.

I selected this topic in 1962 primarily from curiosity to discover the facts concerning present day polygamy in Utah, allegedly still abundant. Perhaps the motivation may be described as an amateur detective's zeal. Considerable material seemed to be available about polygamy in Utah before 1890, when the practice was mostly abandoned by the Mormon people, but, apparently, little has been written on this subject covering the period since that date. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to cover polygamy in Utah and close proximity from 1890 to the present (1965). Its scope includes: first, continued plural marriages for two decades after the 1890 Manifesto; second, the Mormon Church's view of such marriages and the rise of the "fundamentalists"; third, polygamous organizations, people, and colonies; fourth, legal actions against polygamy in the twentieth century; lastly, some views on polygamy today and in the future. The appendix with alleged revelations from Mormon dissenter groups may be of some interest to L. D. S. readers.

The Malad Valley is geographically located in a unique position in the Pacific Northwest. The Bear River and its main affluent, the Malad River, are the only rivers in the Pacific Northwest that drain into the Great Basin, whereas the other streams and rivers of the states of Washington, Idaho, and Oregon empty eventually into the Pacific Ocean. It is also characterized for being the northern end of prehistoric Lake Bonneville, and eventually it was through this valley that an outlet opened to drain the lake. The soil deposits from this lake left a fertile valley, capable of producing most crops found in this region.Circumstantial evidence gives indication of many mountain men trapping and exploring in this valley. One account credits Donald McKenzie with naming the Malad River in this valley in 1819 because the flesh of its beaver, when eaten, induced illness in the party. This account, the author found, did not pertain to the Malad River, tributary of the Bear River, but to the other Malad River which is a tributary of the Snake River, over 200 miles distant. Other evidence promotes the idea that the river was named Malade because French trappers became ill from drinking the water. The two Malad Rivers were named for the same reason. Evidence supports the idea that there were two rivers which caused the same ailment when the beaver flesh was consumed. The tributary of the Snake was named by McKenzie and the fur trappers merely referred to another Sick River (Malade), the tributary of the Bear River.

The purpose of this study was to determine what sociocultural, sociodemographic, and sociopsychological factors the Sisters in four Wards in the Taipei Taiwan Stake of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints perceived as keeping them from using the health services during the period from June 1975 to May 1976.Forty-five Sisters, age twenty-one and older, were surveyed by a written questionnaire during Relief Society meetings during the last week in June and the first week in July 1966.A majority of the Sisters were found to have experienced times when they did not avail themselves of the existing health services. The way the Sisters viewed their illness, their unwillingness to take time to seek aid, and their limited finances were the reasons most often given as obstacles preventing use of the services. It was concluded that the Sisters tended most often to view the sociocultural factors as limiting their use of the health services.

The purpose of this study on Mormon missionaries was to determine the effect of health on missionary activity time, age, sex, months in field, laboring city population, monthly mission cost, living conditions, diet, pre-existing conditions, adequacy of medical care, nativity, effectiveness, emotional health, interpersonal relationships, and motivation and enthusiasm. In addition the research attempted to ascertain the effect of the selected independent factors on ill missionary lost time.As an outcome of the statistical analysis performed on this study's sample the following results were obtained. Respiratory disorders, gastrointestinal difficulties and orthopedic injuries were the most common health problems. Well missionaries were generally older, spent more money, had been out longer in the field and were judged in better emotional health than were ill missionaries. Ill missionaries rated the adequacy of medical care higher than their counterparts. Sex, activity time over a three month period, and laboring city population were not found to be significantly related to missionary health. The average amount of lost proselyting time per missionary over a four-month period was 9.3 hours.

The purpose of this study or survey is to discover facts that might show the religious, social, and economic activities or practices of the returned missionaries of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints who now live in the Garland Ward of the Bear River Stake, Utah.

Many historians have suggested in their writings that much of the social behavior that made the decade of the twenties unique had their origins in the urban centers, leaving the small towns taking no active participation in the Jazz Age.The purpose of this paper is to show that Provo, Utah, a small, isolated community took a very active part in the Jazz Age, contrary to what has been suggested. There was a considerable quantity of drunkenness, bootlegging, wild dancing and partying in Provo during the decade, much more than historians suggest there should have been in a community the size and location of Provo.In addition, there was a strong progressive spirit in Provo during an age that is best remembered for its political conservatism.The prevalent historical thesis that small towns were bone dry and very moral and conservative and backward does not appear to hold true for one small town during the decade, suggesting that other small towns across the nation may not fit the traditional historical stereotype.

This work is presented for the purpose of contributing to a more accurate understanding of woman's place in the philosophy of Mormonism, and as a basis for further study on this problem.The writer has not attempted to prove any particular hypothesis regarding Mormon women but has presented data which give an historical account of woman's status in the Church and among Mormon people during the first fifteen years of the organization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.The writer does not claim to have made any particularly new discoveries regarding Mormon women but rather to have brought together a considerable quantity of material in which can be seen a little more clearly than heretofore the factors which have influenced woman's status in Mormon philosophy.

Seventy-five directors of the Institutes of Religion of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in California, responded to a questionnaire regarding their public relations' practices. Institute directors with formal training in public relations utilized more practices, an average of 30.4, than directors without formal training who used an average of 26.9 practices. Institute directors in different locations (divisions) did not differ in the average number of practices used. Seventeen percent of the directors had structured public relations' programs. Directors emphasized more frequently public relations practices relating to priesthood leaders (72 percent) and students (67 percent) than practices relating to parents (33 percent) and campus leaders (33 percent).

The vast colonization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, or Mormons, in the nineteenth century had a profund impact on the populating, culture, economy, and environment of much of the American West. This thesis examines the political geographic influence of the Mormons in the West and, more specifically, in the lands ceded by Mexico to the United States in 1848. This land comprises all or portions of the following states: California, Nevada, Utah, Wyoming, Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico.The original organization of the Mexican Cession at the hands of Congress in 1850 was drastically influenced by the fact that the Mormons had decided to settle in the Great Basin. From this initial territorial organization in 1850 to the early years of the twentieth century, the boundaries of each of the aforementioned states were significantly influenced by two key factors: the Mormon presence in certain areas and the strained relationship between Congress and the Mormon Church. In many instances, state and territorial boundaries were drawn, modified, or even left alone as a direct result of one or often both of these factors. This thesis identifies and examines all of these boundary-making decisions.In order to better illustrate the actual impact of the Mormons on the political geography of the West, two hypothetical scenarios are presented in the final chapter. In the first scenario, the author hypothesizes as to how the West might look today if the Mormons had not come West and settled there. In the second, a West is envisioned in which the relationship between the Mormons and Congress was not adversarial.