Spanish, as a V(erb)-framed language (Talmy 1985), is expected to lexicalize the path of motion in the verb and manner in some satellite when it comes to the description of motion events. Nonetheless, it shows mixed properties (e.g. Aske 1989, Berman & Slobin 1994). All manner of motion verbs can take a path satellite introduced by the prepositions "hacia" and "hasta", and yet only some can take a path satellite introduced by the preposition "a." I claim that goal XPs introduced by "hasta" and "hacia" are adjuncts, whereas "a" is an argument marker. In order to capture the intermediacy of a verb’s ability to take a goal XP, I classify manner of motion verbs according to a three-way distinction that takes into account whether they encode path categorically, overwhelmingly, or only sometimes, and whether they lexically reject the notion of a goal. Finally, I posit verb coercion—under certain semantic and pragmatic conditions—of manner of motion verbs that strongly or categorically favor displacement in order to express a goal. These semantic/pragmatic influential factors are reduced to (i) degree of manner and (ii) degree of goal-orientedness. / text

It has been suggested that the semantics of some metaphoricalmotion constructions is related to the deixis of the verbs involved. In accordance with the directions of movement, metaphorical go is said to be associated with deterioration ( go rotten etc.) and metaphorical come – with improvement ( come true etc (cf. Quirk et al. 1985: 1174). The paper at hand aims at empirically testing this assumption from a usage-based construction grammar perspective. It analyses metaphorical-motion constructions from the BNC whose verb-slot is filled by the motion verbs go , come and run followed by an adjective, using the methods of collostruction analysis (cf. Gries and Stefanowitsch 2004a). On the basis of the quantitative analyses carried out, the semantic preferences of the three verbs are determined, compared and related to the deictic aspects involved in the verb meanings. The verb run was selected as a ‘control verb’, since it does not exhibit any deictic aspect of meaning. All three verb constructions are found to exhibit semantic preferences, and, since deixis is absent in run , other aspects are discussed which may motivate such associations. Finally, the results of the data analyses are inspected for what they can say about the emergence of semantic prosodies ‘colouring’ the verbs in the respective constructions.