Thesis (M.A.)--Humboldt State University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-73). Also available via Humboldt Digital Scholar.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of Mechanical Engineering, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 151-156).

Thesis (M.S.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of Mechanical Engineering, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-110).

Thesis (M.S.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of Mechanical Engineering, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2002. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 960-984). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2002. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 960-984). Also available on the Internet.

This study departs from Gállok, an area 40 kilometres northwest of the city Jokkmokk, in northern Sweden. This is a place to which local people and Saami reindeer herders have material interests and emotional bonds. The mining company JIMAB wants to prospect for extracting minerals from this area. In the summer of 2013 local people, Saamis and environmental activists gathered in Gállok in order to protest and make resistance against these plans. Activism was made, debate articles were written, demonstrations were organized and information about what was going on in Gállok was shared through social media. The aim of this study is to examine the cultural processes of the anti-mining movement, in particular the happenings in Gállok in summer 2013. How did this anti-mining movement take form? What kind of strategies and methods were used, in order to mobilize participants? This study focuses on the material and bodily aspects of resistance and activism. What kind of material interests lie behind the involvement? How do they use their bodies as tools to make resistance? Furthermore the current thesis examines some of the reasoning, questions and emotions that circulate in the movement. Around which questions and values do the participants in the anti-mining gather? How do emotions affect people's involvement? One of the main arguments of this study is that social movements can be understood both as political and cultural. Is this also the case with the anti-mining movement in Gállok? This study consists of 5 chapters and a summary. The first chapter presents the theories, methods and materials that have been used in this study. In chapter two the reader is presented to the historical background and context of the anti-mining movement. In the third chapter, we examine some of the main reasonings, questions and emotions that circulate in the movement. The fourth chapter focuses on the happenings that took place in Gállok in the summer of 2013, when activists, locals and Saami people where gathered to protest and make resistance. In the fifth chapter a anti-mining demonstration that took place in Jokkmokk in the winter of 2014 is analyzed. The conclusions are then drawn in the final brief summary.

Political representation remains one of the areas in American life in which gender inequality is most pronounced, and scholars claim that women’s reluctance to run for office is now the most significant barrier to gender equality in the political sphere. Yet, researchers have not adequately grappled with the complexities and contradictions in women’s “deciding to run” accounts and have often overlooked the varied narrative strategies of women leaders across race, class, and social movement identities. I conducted 46 interviews with women leaders in Texas and fieldwork in a political campaign to examine the stories women tell to explain their decisions whether or not to run for office. I find that the “deciding to run” narratives that African-American women and Latinas employ are distinct from the stories white women use to explain their decisions whether or not to run for office, as they more often draw from civil rights discourses of courage, confidence, and commitment to their causes. I argue that feminist organizations actually encourage women to downplay their political ambition in the attempt to spread their social movement messages that women need to be recruited more heavily to run for office. These messages play an important role in influencing the reluctance story told by most of the white women I interviewed. I argue that structural factors such as majority-minority and majority-white voting districts also play a large role in shaping the “deciding to run” accounts of candidates and potential candidates, as raced-gendered and social movement discourses take different forms and carry varying weight in these political contexts. My findings challenge the dominant explanation for women’s sparse levels of office-holding, which suggests that women are under-represented in politics because they lack the confidence to enter political races. In addition, I highlight the political ambition of African-American women and Latinas, whose remarkable success records in seeking and winning elective office have not been accounted for in current paradigms explaining women’s under-representation. Finally, my research exposes the cultural dynamics underlying women’s “deciding to run” explanations, as I illuminate how women draw from raced-gendered and social movement discourses to account for their political decisions. / text

DNA replication demands extraordinary specificity and efficiency of catalysis from a DNA polymerase. Previous studies on several DNA polymerases suggested that a rate-limiting conformational change preceding chemistry accounts for the high specificity following the induced fit mechanism. However, the identity of this rate-limiting conformational change and how it contributes to the fidelity is still under debate. An important study of T7 DNA polymerase performed by Tsai and Johnson using a conformationally sensitive fluorophore (CSF) characterized a conformational change directly and presented a new paradigm for nucleotide selectivity. This thesis describes work to further characterize the underlying molecular basis regulating the conformational change by a combination of site-directed mutagenesis, transient kinetics and crystallography. One flexible segment (gly-ala-gly) within the fingers domain was mutated to (ala-alaala). The kinetic analysis on this mutant showed that the mutations decreased the forward rate of the conformational change reported by the fluorophore about 1200-fold but there was no significant change on the reverse rate. The data suggested that the movement of the fingers domain is not a rigid body motion but may be complex due to the movements of various helices within the fingers domain. Quantification of the kinetics of incorporation of correct and incorrect base pairs showed the decrease of fidelity mainly was from the decreased forward rate during correct nucleotide incorporation. The roles of three active site residues, K522, H506, and R518, which form polar interactions with [alpha]-,[beat]- and [gamma]-phosphates of the incoming nucleotide respectively, in conformational change and catalysis were also characterized. All the mutants showed a slower conformational change than the wild type enzyme. After this conformational change, there was a rate limiting step with a rate comparable to kpol measured by quench-flow experiments. Correct nucleotide binding caused an increase in fluorescence, suggesting that the conformational change of the fingers domain delivers incoming nucleotide to a misaligned status even for a correct nucleotide with each of the mutants. The data suggested that active site residues play important roles in maintaining a fast conformational change and an accurate alignment of the active site during correct nucleotide incorporation. Yellow crystals of CSF-labeled T7 DNA polymerase with DNA and correct nucleotide (closed complex), incorrect nucleotide (misaligned complex) or no nucleotide (open complex) were grown to good size and diffracted to 3 Å during X-ray data collection. The structures of these complexes are still under refinement. / text

The maquiladora industry was established in northern Mexico with the objective of providing employment opportunities to the growing population in the region. However, the terms of employment linked to the global economy limit the organizational capacity of workers to improve their working conditions. These terms shape an emotional habitus among maquiladora workers that prevents mobilization and reinforces a “hard-working” attitude predisposed to tolerate unsatisfactory labor relations concomitant with industrial deregulation. In my investigation, I analyze the emotional habitus of workers through cultural, productive, and political deregulation mechanisms employed in the sector. The cultural tool promotes a new labor philosophy focused on safeguarding employment sources in Mexico; production schemes individualize reward and punitive systems that are installed in constellations of local and international authoritative figures; and the political component prevents legitimate forms of organization through coopted labor unions. As a result, predispositions of workers to mobilize grievances in the maquiladora industry are unlikely. This report seeks to involve the social structures of emotions in discussions concerning political behavior and social movement literature. / text