Orientadores: Patricio Anibal Letellier Sotomayor e Kyoko Furuya / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Fisica Gleb Wataghin / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T10:44:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_MarceloZimbres_M.pdf: 810192 bytes, checksum: 16b4f94ccf4183c0371eac2b660a72f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Para estudar de forma completa a precessão de um giroscópio em órbita, revisamos a dedução das equações de Papapetrou, em particular, para mostrar que em uma aproximação de partícula teste essas equações implicam o transporte de Fermi-Walker do spin. Para estudar as correções devidas a oblaticidade de um corpo central na precessão do spin, fizemos uma revisão da teoria dos multipolos relativísticos focados nas definições de Geroch-Hansen e de Thorne. Usamos todos esses conceitos para estimar as correções multipolares na precessão de Lense-Thirring, em especial, encontramos uma fórmula exata para a precessão em termos de dois escalares, as partes real e imaginária do potencial de Ernst. Em uma aproximação linear para o campo gravitacional, escrevemos nossa fórmula em termos dos multipolos de Thorne. Para estimar essas correções usamos alguns modelos conhecidos para a métrica do planeta Terra e comparamos nossos resultados com outros trabalhos / Abstract: To study the precession of an orbiting gyroscope we review the theory of the Papapetrou equations and show that they imply the Fermi-Walker transport law. We review also the theory of relativistic multipole moments, specifically the definitions of Geroch-Hansen and Thorne, to describe non-spherical bodies in general relativity. For stationary axially symmetric spacetimes we find a simple expression for the Lense-Thirring precession in terms of the Ernst potential. This expression is used to compute, in the weak field approximation, the major non-spherical contributions to the precession of a gyroscope orbiting the Earth. We use some known models for the earth metric to estimate the contributions and compare our results with some previously known ones / Mestrado / Física / Mestre em Física

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(理学) / 甲第20938号 / 理博第4390号 / 新制||理||1631(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院理学研究科化学専攻 / (主査)教授 三木 邦夫, 教授 杉山 弘, 教授 秋山 芳展 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Science / Kyoto University / DGAM

In this work, the development of parameters for a series of imidazolium-based ionic liquids molecules, now included in the AMOEBA force field, is discussed. The quality of obtained parameters is tested in a variety of calculations to reproduce structural, thermodynamic, and transport properties. First, it is proposed a novel method to parameterize in a faster, and more efficient way parameters for the AMOEBA force field that can be applied to any imidazolim-based cation. Second, AMOEBA-IL polarizable force field is applied to study the N-tert-butyloxycarbonylation of aniline reaction mechanism in water/[EMIM][BF4] solvent via QM/MM approach and compared with the reaction carried out in gas-phase and implicit solvent media. Third, AMOEBA-IL force field is applied in alchemical calculations. Free energies of solvation for selected solutes solvated in [EMIm][OTf] are calculated via BAR method implemented in TINKER considering the effect of polarization as well as the methodology to perform the sampling of the alchemical process. Finally, QM/MM calculations using AMOEBA to get more insights into the catalytic reaction mechanism of horseradish peroxidase enzyme, particularly the structures involved in the transition from Cp I to Cp II.

La politique extérieure du Brésil de la première décennie du XXIe siècle a contribué à une projection internationale sans précédent du pays. La diplomatie brésilienne sous l’ère Lula a fait en sorte de combiner les relations traditionnelles Nord-Sud (axe vertical) avec les relations Sud-Sud (axe horizontal), dans le but d’affirmer la position du Brésil en tant qu’acteur global. La problématique que propose d’explorer le présent travail repose sur la question centrale de la multipolarité de l’ordre mondial à travers l’exemple de la projection internationale du Brésil. Cette thèse prétend présenter les grandes lignes de la diplomatie brésilienne sous les présidences de Lula (2003-2006 et 2007-2010), combinant une présentation de ses différentes initiatives sur la scène internationale et les facteurs déterminants de son action. L’objectif consistera à démontrer comment les axes diplomatiques adoptés par Lula ont pu contribuer à transformer son pays en un acteur de premier ordre reconnu du monde multipolaire qui se profile, et à le hisser dans le débat mondialisé. / During the past decade, Brazil has enjoyed the most important unprecedented international projection in all of its history, mainly due to the proactive diplomatic efforts of the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration. Brazilian foreign policy was based on the construction of brazilian leadership in South America, combining the South-North relations (vertical axis) and South-South relations (horizontal axis) in order to convert Brazil into a global player. This thesis aims to explore the central issue of multipolarity in the international system through the example of the international insertion of Brazil. In this sense, this work aims to present the brazilian diplomacy during the two “Lula” presidential terms (2003-2006 and 2007-2010), analyzing its various initiatives on the international scene and the determinants of its action. The objective is to understand, according to the realistic theory of international relations, how diplomatic axes adopted by brazilian policymakers have contributed to transform their country into a leading player in the multipolar world and global debate.

A cooperação militar entre Brasil e Argentina é um fenômeno que ocorre desde 1978, quando a Marinha do Brasil e a Armada Argentina realizaram um exercício militar denominado de Operação Fraterno. Nos anos seguintes, a cooperação militar bilateral se expandiu de forma tanto quantitativa como qualitativa, abrangendo gama variada de atividades. Esta cooperação, contudo, não seguia diretrizes traçadas pelas chancelarias ou pelos chefes de Estado. As decisões pela realização das atividades eram tomadas no âmbito das próprias Marinhas, atendendo a critérios puramente técnico-operacionais, não fazendo parte, portanto, das políticas externas dos dois governos. Quando, nos anos 1990, os Exércitos e as Forças Aéreas passaram a realizar suas próprias atividades de cooperação, o padrão de autonomia manteve-se o mesmo. Foi apenas a partir de 2005, por meio da assinatura de dois acordos bilaterais, que a cooperação militar passou a ser um instrumento a serviço das políticas externas dos dois governos. O objetivo governamental era que aquelas atividades se enquadrassem em um conjunto de ações em prol do estreitamento das relações bilaterais em áreas estratégicas. Com tal estreitamento, o eixo Brasil-Argentina seria fortalecido, tornando-se mais provável a manutenção de um ambiente de estabilidade no Cone Sul, assim como a atração dos países do Norte Andino em direção a este eixo. Ademais, se evitaria o surgimento de polos alternativos de poder no subcontinente. Em conjunto, tal configuração contribuiria para que o projeto brasileiro de integração sul-americana pudesse ser viabilizado. / Military cooperation between Brazil and Argentina has been occuring since 1978, when Brazilian Navy and Argentine Navy performed a military exercise called Operação Fraterno. In subsequent years, the bilateral military cooperation expanded so both quantitative and qualitative, embracing wide range of activities. However, this cooperation did not follow guidelines set by foreign ministers or heads of state. Decisions to perform activities were made by the two Navies, based solely on technical-operational criteria. They were not subordinated to the governments´ foreign policies. When, in the 1990s, the Armies and Air Forces began to perform their own combined activities, the degree of autonomy was the same. Only from 2005, through the signing of two bilateral agreements, military cooperation became an instrument of foreign policies for both governments. The purpose of governments is that those activities be part of a set of actions in support of closer bilateral relations in strategic areas. With such relations, the “axis” Brazil- Argentina would be strengthened and would be more likely that a stable environment be maintained in the Southern Cone and, in addition, the Andean North could be atracted to the orbit of relations between Brazil and Argentina. Moreover, it would prevent the emergence of alternative centers of power in the subcontinent. This configuration would contribute to the feasibility of the Brazilian project of South American integration.

A cooperação militar entre Brasil e Argentina é um fenômeno que ocorre desde 1978, quando a Marinha do Brasil e a Armada Argentina realizaram um exercício militar denominado de Operação Fraterno. Nos anos seguintes, a cooperação militar bilateral se expandiu de forma tanto quantitativa como qualitativa, abrangendo gama variada de atividades. Esta cooperação, contudo, não seguia diretrizes traçadas pelas chancelarias ou pelos chefes de Estado. As decisões pela realização das atividades eram tomadas no âmbito das próprias Marinhas, atendendo a critérios puramente técnico-operacionais, não fazendo parte, portanto, das políticas externas dos dois governos. Quando, nos anos 1990, os Exércitos e as Forças Aéreas passaram a realizar suas próprias atividades de cooperação, o padrão de autonomia manteve-se o mesmo. Foi apenas a partir de 2005, por meio da assinatura de dois acordos bilaterais, que a cooperação militar passou a ser um instrumento a serviço das políticas externas dos dois governos. O objetivo governamental era que aquelas atividades se enquadrassem em um conjunto de ações em prol do estreitamento das relações bilaterais em áreas estratégicas. Com tal estreitamento, o eixo Brasil-Argentina seria fortalecido, tornando-se mais provável a manutenção de um ambiente de estabilidade no Cone Sul, assim como a atração dos países do Norte Andino em direção a este eixo. Ademais, se evitaria o surgimento de polos alternativos de poder no subcontinente. Em conjunto, tal configuração contribuiria para que o projeto brasileiro de integração sul-americana pudesse ser viabilizado. / Military cooperation between Brazil and Argentina has been occuring since 1978, when Brazilian Navy and Argentine Navy performed a military exercise called Operação Fraterno. In subsequent years, the bilateral military cooperation expanded so both quantitative and qualitative, embracing wide range of activities. However, this cooperation did not follow guidelines set by foreign ministers or heads of state. Decisions to perform activities were made by the two Navies, based solely on technical-operational criteria. They were not subordinated to the governments´ foreign policies. When, in the 1990s, the Armies and Air Forces began to perform their own combined activities, the degree of autonomy was the same. Only from 2005, through the signing of two bilateral agreements, military cooperation became an instrument of foreign policies for both governments. The purpose of governments is that those activities be part of a set of actions in support of closer bilateral relations in strategic areas. With such relations, the “axis” Brazil- Argentina would be strengthened and would be more likely that a stable environment be maintained in the Southern Cone and, in addition, the Andean North could be atracted to the orbit of relations between Brazil and Argentina. Moreover, it would prevent the emergence of alternative centers of power in the subcontinent. This configuration would contribute to the feasibility of the Brazilian project of South American integration.

A cooperação militar entre Brasil e Argentina é um fenômeno que ocorre desde 1978, quando a Marinha do Brasil e a Armada Argentina realizaram um exercício militar denominado de Operação Fraterno. Nos anos seguintes, a cooperação militar bilateral se expandiu de forma tanto quantitativa como qualitativa, abrangendo gama variada de atividades. Esta cooperação, contudo, não seguia diretrizes traçadas pelas chancelarias ou pelos chefes de Estado. As decisões pela realização das atividades eram tomadas no âmbito das próprias Marinhas, atendendo a critérios puramente técnico-operacionais, não fazendo parte, portanto, das políticas externas dos dois governos. Quando, nos anos 1990, os Exércitos e as Forças Aéreas passaram a realizar suas próprias atividades de cooperação, o padrão de autonomia manteve-se o mesmo. Foi apenas a partir de 2005, por meio da assinatura de dois acordos bilaterais, que a cooperação militar passou a ser um instrumento a serviço das políticas externas dos dois governos. O objetivo governamental era que aquelas atividades se enquadrassem em um conjunto de ações em prol do estreitamento das relações bilaterais em áreas estratégicas. Com tal estreitamento, o eixo Brasil-Argentina seria fortalecido, tornando-se mais provável a manutenção de um ambiente de estabilidade no Cone Sul, assim como a atração dos países do Norte Andino em direção a este eixo. Ademais, se evitaria o surgimento de polos alternativos de poder no subcontinente. Em conjunto, tal configuração contribuiria para que o projeto brasileiro de integração sul-americana pudesse ser viabilizado. / Military cooperation between Brazil and Argentina has been occuring since 1978, when Brazilian Navy and Argentine Navy performed a military exercise called Operação Fraterno. In subsequent years, the bilateral military cooperation expanded so both quantitative and qualitative, embracing wide range of activities. However, this cooperation did not follow guidelines set by foreign ministers or heads of state. Decisions to perform activities were made by the two Navies, based solely on technical-operational criteria. They were not subordinated to the governments´ foreign policies. When, in the 1990s, the Armies and Air Forces began to perform their own combined activities, the degree of autonomy was the same. Only from 2005, through the signing of two bilateral agreements, military cooperation became an instrument of foreign policies for both governments. The purpose of governments is that those activities be part of a set of actions in support of closer bilateral relations in strategic areas. With such relations, the “axis” Brazil- Argentina would be strengthened and would be more likely that a stable environment be maintained in the Southern Cone and, in addition, the Andean North could be atracted to the orbit of relations between Brazil and Argentina. Moreover, it would prevent the emergence of alternative centers of power in the subcontinent. This configuration would contribute to the feasibility of the Brazilian project of South American integration.

Cette thèse présente trois aspects centrés autour de la QRPA (Quasiparticle Random Phase Approximation).Le premier consiste en l'utilisation d'un code à symétrie axiale pour confronter des données calculéesà des résultats expérimentaux, et pour alimenter un code microscopique de réactions. Cette étapeest l'occasion d'analyser la spectroscopie du noyau à basse énergie (quelques dizaines de MeV), etplus spécifiquement (mais pas uniquement) la chaîne isotopique de l'étain (Z=50). Le second facetterepose sur l'amélioration d'un formalisme de calcul des opérateurs de transitions éléctromagnétiquesmultipolaires, et d'une méthode de généralisation du calcul de ces opérateurs permettant de faciliterla programmation en uniformisant le code pour les différentes multipolarités. Finalement, afin dedépasser la contrainte de la symétrie axiale, un nouveau code de calcul en symétrie triaxiale a étédéveloppé. Ses caractéristiques et son développement sont présentés, suivis des premiers résultatsdus à son exploitation. / This thesis presents three aspects centered around the QRPA (Quasiparticle Random Phase Approximation).The first consists in the use of an axial code to confront computed data with experimental results andto feed a microscopic reaction code. This step is a chance to analyse low-energy spectroscopy (fewtens of MeV) of some nuclei, and more precisely (but not exclusively) the tin isotopic chain (Z=50).The second one relies on the improvement of the formalism to calculate multipolar electromagnetictransition operators, and a method to consolidate the computation of these operators, allowing toease the programming by unifying the code for different multipolarities. Finally, in order to overcomethe axial symmetry constraint, a new triaxial code has been developed. Its assets and developmentare presented, followed by the first batch of results.

This research examines the multi-vectored nature of Belarusian foreign policy since 1996 when Alexander Lukashenka solidified his regime in Belarus until today. The trends in Belarusian foreign policy are analyzed through the scope of interdependency and its intricate interplay with Belarusian national identity, or in other words, how President Lukashenka understands and interprets the Belarusian people. Since the early 2000s, it appeared that Belarus changed its foreign policy in an attempt to become less dependent on Russia and more open to working with new partners. Officially, Lukashenka has consistently maintained a multi-vector approach to Belarusian foreign policy and also in practice, despite intermittent speculation that Belarus might drastically change the dynamics of its foreign policy. Decreasing dependence is not motivation enough to completely alter perceived stability and a reluctance for change among the Belarusian people. Lukashenka uses the flexibility of his foreign policy to try to extract some benefits from global partners; however, the status quo of Lukashenka's foreign policies continues to remain intact. Keywords Belarus, President Alexander Lukashenka, Multi-vector, multipolar, foreign policy, interdependence, national identity, dependence

This graduation thesis is trying to examine the work of the American political scientist Samuel P. Huntington and refers to his contribution to the historical sociology. This work presents the most important theses, sets them into the context, possibly compares them with ideas or works of another social scientists. The first part of the work deals with this author as a person, with his professional life and makes clear a selection of the studies, which forms a skeleton of this thesis. The work is trying to describe concepts, which are in some relation with social change. First of all it means modernization, democratization, civil-military relations, civilizations analysis, multiculturalism, crisis of democracy and crisis of american identity. The work follows the chronology, in which author's books were being out. This is a reason, why the themes are presented in order, in which Huntington was focusing on them. The chronological aspect falls back, when the themes are mentioned by author in another books. The end of the work points out the contribution of Samuel Huntington to the historical sociology and in general adverts to importance of his work. Keywords: civil-military relations, modernization, democratization, civilization, identity, political order, multiculturalism, uni-multipolar system, islam