abstract: This dissertation research analyzes the vernacular cosmopolitan praxis of Muslim women in transnational cyberspaces related to topical and collective action networks, in an effort to detangle cosmopolitanism from its Western biases and to move away from studies of online Muslim populations based on geographical locations or homogenous networks, linking individuals through their religious practices or consumption of religious knowledge. Through highlighting praxes rather than contexts, this dissertation disrupts the East/West binary and challenges stereotypes ascribed to Muslim women. One of the research questions related to the cosmopolitan praxis of Muslim women is the following: in what ways do Muslim women engage with "others" online and contribute to bridging dissimilar people? Findings suggest that the social media use of Muslim women contributes to their subtle resistance against communal norms and, although it can serve as an extension to their voices, some of their voices are more readily mediated than others. I employ a connective content analysis methodology to put various datasets associated with topics and collective actions related to Muslim women into conversation. The methodology not only highlights consistencies in the qualitative themes that were iteratively developed through the analyses of the datasets, but also more tangible connections related to social media users, topics, and content. Consequently, this thesis is as much concerned with recasting Western-oriented conceptualizations of cosmopolitanism as it is with how networks dynamics foster and constrain cosmopolitan praxis because digital networks have the extraordinary capacity to link dissimilar people beyond any other type of medium. One of the research questions related to the methodology is: how do network dynamics facilitate and constrain cosmopolitan praxis? The substantive chapters related to the datasets discuss various forms of cosmopolitan praxis that were identified in the analysis: social media use by Muslim women that expands the connective memory, which could contribute to dispelling stereotypes ascribed to them; activism that addresses universal concerns related to women's rights regardless of context; dialogically devising basic standards of social conduct and gender relations; and expressions of tolerance toward divergent views, including alternative interpretations of Islamic beliefs and practices. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Justice Studies 2014

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ZULEIKHA, who was trained as a pianist in her hometown of Lahore, Pakistan, arrives in Irving, Texas after her arranged marriage to ISKANDER, but finds it difficult to get accustomed to the appurtenances, encumbrances, and perquisites of the middle-class housewife lifestyle. Despite giving birth to a son, WASIM, she quickly falls out of love with her dutiful but straight-laced husband. She begins giving private lessons, and commences an affair with PATRICK, a transplanted Canadian who is trapped in his own loveless marriage. When she gets pregnant, Zuleikha is convinced the child belongs to her husband. She ends her affair with Patrick, but Iskander finds out about it anyway. The ensuing confrontation between Zuleikha and Iskander turns into a physical altercation, during which Zuleikha, having fallen to the floor, is unable to see if Iskander stomps on her belly, or falls on her by accident as he will later claim. The trauma results in a miscarriage. The unusual set of circumstances surrounding this violent episode serves as the backdrop for the rest of the story, by catapulting this otherwise nondescript couple into the glare of the public eye. Iskander is arrested and charged with feticide, and he faces a long prison sentence under Texas law. A court order prohibits him from contacting Zuleikha and Wasim, who are taken to a shelter for Muslim women and children. There, the other domestic abuse victims view Zuleikha as someone who "had it coming" because of her infidelity, and are therefore openly hostile to her. The shelter's director, a woman named REZA, is beholden to wealthy Muslim donors, and therefore arranges for Zuleikha to meet with members of a highly controversial Islamic tribunal. Zuleikha is pressured to forgive her husband and testify in his favor, so as not draw further negative attention to the Muslim community. JANE, the District Attorney, on the other hand, initially plays nice with Zuleikha and informs her that she will devote any and all available resources in the prosecution of Iskander. When Zuleikha can't get her story straight and hesitates about testifying against her husband, however, Jane, too, turns against her. Zuleikha discovers that the DA has been caught hiding her own secrets and now faces a public confidence crisis of her own. Zuleikha comes to realize that Jane's reasons for being so gung-ho about winning Iskander's conviction have as much to do with re-endearing herself to her electorate as with justice. Zuleikha thus finds herself at the epicenter of a political firestorm fueled by winds of anti-Muslim hysteria, with different people trying to use her situation to their own advantage. When Wasim gets in a scuffle at the shelter and has to be taken to a clinic, she panics and contacts Iskander against her better judgment. Husband and wife finally confront each other while Wasim is being treated. Iskander claims to still love Zuleikha and begs her to take him back so that they and their son can resume their prior family life. But Zuleikha realizes that even if Iskander is sincere and not merely seeking reconciliation in order to avoid a harsh prison sentence, she will never be able to forgive him, let alone love him and live with him again. She comes to accept the fact that she has no control over Iskander's fate in court, and can only move forward by testifying truthfully and trying to do what is best for her and her son. While waiting for the trial to begin, she gains admission in a summer training program for piano instructors and begins the next phase of her life.

abstract: The present study tested the hypothesis that women dress modestly to signal to other women that they pose no mate poaching threat and are sexually restricted, and that this is especially true for religious women. Participants were 392 Muslim women living in the United States. They read two passages describing fictional situations in which they met with a potential female friend and then indicated what kind of outfit they would wear in both situations. In one situation, the participant obtained a reputation for promiscuity; in the other situation, reputation was not mentioned. I predicted that participants would choose more modest outfits for the promiscuous reputation passage, because if women dress modestly to signal sexual restrictedness, then they should dress more modestly around women with whom they have a reputation for promiscuity—to counteract such a reputation, women may wish to send a strong signal that they are not promiscuous. The hypothesis was partially supported: Less religious women chose more modest outfits for the promiscuous reputation situation than they did for the no reputation situation. This suggests that some women dress modestly to signal sexual restrictedness to other women, but that this is especially true for women who are less religious, not more. More religious women dress more modestly than less religious women, but they may not dress modestly to signal sexual restrictedness. Two important goals for this area of research are to determine the proximate reasons that more religious women dress modestly and to investigate modest dress among non-Muslim religious women. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Psychology 2020

Orientador: Maria Dolores Aybar Ramirez / Resumo: Ao nos decidirmos, inicialmente, por um levantamento arqueológico de mulheres escritoras árabes/muçulmanas para uma escolha posterior de obras que nos levassem a um maior conhecimento dessa literatura, deparamos com a escassez de traduções e publicações no Brasil, em comparação com o grande número existente em outros países, principalmente da Europa e da América do Norte. Acreditamos que isso se deva a maior presença dessas mulheres escritoras em tais continentes, gerando um fascínio pelo exótico, mas também um misto de atração e repulsão, sempre acompanhado de estereótipos, já enraizados pelo orientalismo. No Brasil, no entanto, salvo raras exceções, as editoras voltaram-se quase que exclusivamente para as autobiografias de mulheres que tecem duras críticas aos seus países de origem, às suas leis, à situação e normas de conduta para as mulheres, na maioria restritivas e opressoras, reafirmando uma imagem já impregnada de preconceitos. Vemos assim que a oferta de publicações em nosso país também nos impede uma visão mais abrangente e nos força a ratificar impressões essencialistas que em nada contribuem para o conhecimento e possível fruição da literatura produzida por essas mulheres, agora veladas, inclusive, por questões mercadológicas que camuflam e perpetuam as mesmas visões engessadas. Na tentativa de fugir desses relatos, sempre carregados de perseguição e dor, priorizamos para o nosso estudo o romance Meu nome é Salma, da autora jordaniano-britânica Fadia Faqir pois su... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: When deciding, initially, for an archaeological survey of Arab/Muslim women writers for a later choice of works which would lead us to a greater knowledge of this literature, we faced the scarcity of translations and publications in Brazil, in comparison with the large number which exists in other countries, mainly in Europe and North America. We believe that this is due to the greater presence of these women writers in such continents, creating a fascination with the exotic, but also a mixture of attraction and repulsion, always accompanied by stereotypes, already rooted by Orientalism. In Brazil, however, with a few rare exceptions, publishers turned almost exclusively to the autobiographies of women who harshly criticize their countries of origin, their laws, the situation and rules of conduct for women, most of which are restrictive and oppressive, reaffirming an image already steeped in prejudice. We thus see that the supply of publications in our country also prevents us from taking a more comprehensive view and forces us to ratify essentialist impressions which in no way contribute to the knowledge and possible enjoyment of the literature produced by these women, now veiled, by marketing issues which camouflage and perpetuate the same plastered visions. So as to escape these accounts, always laden with persecution and pain, we prioritized the novel My name is Salma, by the Jordanian-British author Fadia Faqir because her narrative, written in English, involves other di... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

In recent years in Europe, the veiling of the muslim women has become a political issue. Various laws were passed in order to regulate the appearance of the islamic veil in public. Such policies caused several protests and led to many debates over the meaning of the veil. In this thesis I focus on academic contributions to these debates. My aim is to find out what veiling stands for in the academic literature that deals with the situation in Europe (including Turkey). Both books and articles concerned with islamic veil are examined by means of the qualitative content analysis. Building on the principles of the feminist research, I also evaluate the methodologies of selected works. Another pursued aspect of the analysed texts is the use of the concept of gender.

Depression is a serious mental health condition which affects millions of people around the world. The biomedical model of illness categorises depression as a clinical disorder and primarily physiological in origin. However, conceptions of mental health such as depression may vary contextually because they are shaped by cultural understandings of illness. Research is encouraged to further investigate the context and culture of those affected, in an effort to better respond to local realities and psychologies. A qualitative research approach was utilised in this study, with social constructionism as its paradigmatic point of departure. One in-depth semi-structured interview was conducted with five South African Indian Muslim women from the greater Johannesburg area. Thematic analysis was used to interpret the interviews. Four main themes surfaced; what depression is and is not, causes of depression, treatment and stigma. Each main theme included various sub-themes. In addition, culture and gender arose from the analysis, as influential constructs across these themes. These themes highlighted the complexity and importance of culture and gender on the constructions of depression, for these women. These findings encourage the inclusion for cultural sensitivity in treating Indian Muslim women, and responding to the broader community’s needs. This can assist mental healthcare professionals to integrate culture and gender, as constructs, in offering more effective and appropriate treatment for lay understandings of depression, to respond to local realities. Furthermore, these findings add to a growing body of research which attempts to broaden and deepen understandings of mental health and culture, to better respond to patient’s needs. / Mini dissertation (MA (Clinical Psychology))--University of Pretoria, 2021. / Psychology / MA (Clinical Psychology) / Unrestricted

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