Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Ortunes.pdf: 5158929 bytes, checksum: bcfbab4ecf35dded4c4ac9297621bdd7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper analyzed the image's construction of American neoconservatism and radical Islam in the media. Through a theoretical framework of cultural clashes and armed clashes between East and West, more precisely between the United States and countries with major operations in the Islamic form of government, will be possible to observe the points of divergence and possible similarities of these two groups. With this analyze, we will observe the differences and platitudes on the subject in the media / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo a construção da imagem do neoconservadorismo norte-americano e do Islã radical na mídia. Através de uma fundamentação teórica sobre os choques culturais e os confrontos armados entre Ocidente e Oriente, mais precisamente entre Estados Unidos e países com grande atuação islâmica na forma de governo; apresentaremos os pontos de divergência e possíveis similaridades destes dois grupos. Com esta fundamentação, observaremos as divergências e as superficialidades sobre o tema presente na mídia

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Ortunes.pdf: 5158929 bytes, checksum: bcfbab4ecf35dded4c4ac9297621bdd7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper analyzed the image's construction of American neoconservatism and radical Islam in the media. Through a theoretical framework of cultural clashes and armed clashes between East and West, more precisely between the United States and countries with major operations in the Islamic form of government, will be possible to observe the points of divergence and possible similarities of these two groups. With this analyze, we will observe the differences and platitudes on the subject in the media / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo a construção da imagem do neoconservadorismo norte-americano e do Islã radical na mídia. Através de uma fundamentação teórica sobre os choques culturais e os confrontos armados entre Ocidente e Oriente, mais precisamente entre Estados Unidos e países com grande atuação islâmica na forma de governo; apresentaremos os pontos de divergência e possíveis similaridades destes dois grupos. Com esta fundamentação, observaremos as divergências e as superficialidades sobre o tema presente na mídia

Esta pesquisa se insere no campo dos estudos sobre o mundo muçulmano, tendo como objeto as mulheres muçulmanas e sua presença nos movimentos islamistas, entendidos aqui como movimentos fundamentalistas, cuja ideologia política tem como núcleo a defesa das tradições do Islã e a crítica ao Ocidente. O objetivo central é o de investigar em que medida esses movimentos podem estar contribuindo para (ou obstruindo) uma possível emancipação das mulheres muçulmanas, definida essa emancipação por critérios como autonomia na participação sociopolítica e presença nos espaços públicos. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa propõe-se, na perspectiva da História Social, fazer uma abordagem comparativa entre o Egito e a Turquia, pós-anos 80, estruturando-se em torno de três questões principais: a) O islamismo e seu impacto na vida social e política das mulheres; b) A presença feminina nos movimentos islamistas e c) A modernidade no Islã: a mulher e o islamismo. Trabalhando com as noções de Islã, fundamentalismo, identidade, gênero, feminismo, modernidade e outras, a pesquisa, ao voltar-se para as relações entre mulheres e islamismo, espera contribuir também para o estudo dos processos de modernização das sociedades muçulmanas. / This research inserts in the field of the studies about the Muslim world, having as object the Muslim women and its presence in Islamist movements, understood here as fundamentalist movements whose political ideology is centered defense of the traditions of Islam and in the criticism of West. The main objective is to investigate to what extent these movements may be contributing to (or blocking) a possible emancipation of Muslim women, this emancipation defined by criteria such as autonomy in social and political participation and presence in public spaces. In this sense, the research is proposed from the perspective of social history, making a comparison between Egypt and Turkey, after 80, and is structured around three main issues: a) Islam and its impact on social and politics life of women; b) the presence of women in Islamist movements c) modernity in Islam: Women and Islamism. Working with the notions of Islam, fundamentalism, identity, gender, feminism, modernity and other the research to turn to relations between women and Islamism, also hopes to contribute to the study of the modernization of Muslim societies.

Esta pesquisa se insere no campo dos estudos sobre o mundo muçulmano, tendo como objeto as mulheres muçulmanas e sua presença nos movimentos islamistas, entendidos aqui como movimentos fundamentalistas, cuja ideologia política tem como núcleo a defesa das tradições do Islã e a crítica ao Ocidente. O objetivo central é o de investigar em que medida esses movimentos podem estar contribuindo para (ou obstruindo) uma possível emancipação das mulheres muçulmanas, definida essa emancipação por critérios como autonomia na participação sociopolítica e presença nos espaços públicos. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa propõe-se, na perspectiva da História Social, fazer uma abordagem comparativa entre o Egito e a Turquia, pós-anos 80, estruturando-se em torno de três questões principais: a) O islamismo e seu impacto na vida social e política das mulheres; b) A presença feminina nos movimentos islamistas e c) A modernidade no Islã: a mulher e o islamismo. Trabalhando com as noções de Islã, fundamentalismo, identidade, gênero, feminismo, modernidade e outras, a pesquisa, ao voltar-se para as relações entre mulheres e islamismo, espera contribuir também para o estudo dos processos de modernização das sociedades muçulmanas. / This research inserts in the field of the studies about the Muslim world, having as object the Muslim women and its presence in Islamist movements, understood here as fundamentalist movements whose political ideology is centered defense of the traditions of Islam and in the criticism of West. The main objective is to investigate to what extent these movements may be contributing to (or blocking) a possible emancipation of Muslim women, this emancipation defined by criteria such as autonomy in social and political participation and presence in public spaces. In this sense, the research is proposed from the perspective of social history, making a comparison between Egypt and Turkey, after 80, and is structured around three main issues: a) Islam and its impact on social and politics life of women; b) the presence of women in Islamist movements c) modernity in Islam: Women and Islamism. Working with the notions of Islam, fundamentalism, identity, gender, feminism, modernity and other the research to turn to relations between women and Islamism, also hopes to contribute to the study of the modernization of Muslim societies.

This thesis explores how Islamophobia is institutionalised in British universities. Focussing on Muslim students, this question is largely explored through empirical research using two case study universities. Each university was examined through key university functions; namely, 'ethnic' monitoring data under the Race Amendment (2000), union politics and welfare/observance provisions. The research involved semi-structured interviews with Muslim students who were in some way 'active' on campus, as well as university/union staff between 2004 and 2006. It also included some document analysis. It is argued that Islamophobia is institutionalised through its govermentalising function and is reflected in three key modes of 'managing' Muslim students; 'absence' (invisibility), 'presence' (hyper-visibility) and 'inclusion' (liberal multiculturalism). 'Absence' refers to the absence of Muslim students as a recognised collectivity within the formal structures of the university. Thus, it is argued, Muslim student concerns about racism fail to be formally registered and remain trivialised at anecdotal levels. 'Presence' refers to the hyper-visibility of Muslim students as a troublesome 'fundamentalist'/'extremist' cohort. This is exemplified through numerous historical and contemporary sector and state interventions, but also in student union politics. 'Inclusion' refers to liberal multicultural practices that regulate Muslim students. This is observed in equality practices (e.g. university provisions) in the university and the way they function to minoritise rather than equalise the status of Muslim students. What these modes of governance emphasise is the way Muslim students are the subject of and subjected to processes of racialised management, that is, regulation, discipline and normalisation. Each of these modes are explored through interviewee accounts/documents, and (in)formed by a recursive engagement with theories of racialised governmentality. It is argued that together, these modes of racialised governmentality signify the transgressive status of Muslims. They are also seen to reflect the broader political (in)visibility of Muslims in Britain and their awkward place within British multiculturalism. Influenced by 'de-colonial' thinking and activist-based research, the thesis has sought to develop a critique of dominant and racialised discourses about Muslim students in universities. This has involved the selective use of discursive techniques and a reflexive awareness of my own positioning with research. It has also involved cognizance of the way Muslim students and Muslim communities generally, have been perceived as 'suspect' and subject to increased securitisation. In the main however, the thesis has troubled the equality practices of universities and highlighted the way they are part of, not separate from, the problem of Islamophobia.

This diploma thesis embraces the development of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) emphasizing the Alliance's capability to adequately adapt and react to the rapidly growing number of security challenges in our globalized world. Using the historical turning points and the experiences gained during the various conflicts the dissertation's focus is on the future of NATO in the "era of unpeace" where it is required to "defend against known unknowns" (Jankowski and Stepniewski (ed.) 2021). The first chapter of the thesis consists of an overview of the four main stages of the Alliance's development. The first phase (1949-1990) is the Cold War period, when the member states' emphasis was to build a strong collective defence strategy but at the same time, they established a liberal democratic system and accepted common values from the institutional point of view. The new members have adopted these governance standards and institutions, proved the effective assertion of the liberal institutionalism doctrine but never gave up military realism. The second stage (1990-2001) was represented by emerging new security challenges due to the fact that the bipolar world order had came to an end and the Alliance reacted to this by spreading the "security umbrella" with crisis management policies and...