My work is comprised of masks. The indigenous power of masks inspires the spirit, energy, and soul of my work. I use masks to reveal my inner self, similar to how masks were used in ritual ceremonies in the ancient past. The masks that I create break the grounds of my physical containment and open the curtains of my creative energy and psychological chaos. They allow me to embrace my vulnerability and my strength. My work encompasses prints, paintings, and ceramic sculptures. I work expressively by layering the process of mark making in an intuitive manner. Each layer I create reveals an ever-blossoming abstraction. The journey in creating masks has been a cathartic and spiritual experience. My restraints are down and the chaos consumes my mask compositions. It is through this chaos that I can breathe.

Aachen, Techn. Hochsch., Diss., 2005

This thesis uses the referent “My Lai Massacre” to refer to the mythic memory of what happened in Son My on 16 March, 1968. It argues that it is a fitting name for the way it captures the ethnocentrism of the memory in the name by perpetuating an American misnomer rooted in ignorance. It also singularizes the scope of horrors of the day, and fails to differentiate ‘the massacre’ from the domestic turmoil with which it was conflated. The My Lai Massacre narrative as it currently exists in American history and memory is ‘exceptionalist’ in that it incorporates and excludes story elements in such a way that casts it as a highly exceptional occurrence. The main argument of this thesis is that American history and memory of the ‘My Lai Massacre’ have, to a large degree, been defined and shaped by conservative influences. In the time since the news of the atrocities became public this has manifested itself in a number of way and is not confined to conservative histories of the war. Despite the hold liberal orthodox scholarship has on the history of the war, there remains within it, this thesis argues, a conservative trend regarding the massacres in Son My. Reactions, explanations, and rationalizations that appeared in early conservative responses to news of the massacres have survived into a wider ideological spectrum of Vietnam scholarship and memory than that from which it came. Although it seems at first consideration an unlikely event from which a usable past might be constructed, the My Lai Massacre does get used in a didactic manner. This thesis examines some of the most prevalent ways the memory of My Lai functions as a usable past. The My Lai Massacre has been incorporated into a number of ‘lessons of the past’ that tend to be derived from conservative narratives of the war.

Missionary work is one of the most important tasks undertaken by The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Spreading the gospel is at the heart of the Savior's message to his apostles shortly before his ascension into heaven, "Go ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," (Matt. 28:19). Full time missionaries of the Church are charged with teaching Christ's message. The questions of what to teach and how to teach it have led to four sets of formal missionary discussions published by the Church beginning in 1952 and continuing on to 1961, 1973 and 1986. This thesis will document the timeline of decisions that lead to the creation of the missionary manual Preach My Gospel introduced in 2004 which contains the fifth set of missionary lessons published by the Church.

<p>Aim: My aim with this study is to investigate whether the co-workers in the company Arla Foods is satisfied with the communication between the company and the employees. If there are any changes to be made or if it works well as it is now.</p><p>Method: I have sent out invistigationforms to 85 co-workers within Arla Foods. This forms included questions about Arla Foods internal communication and how the co-workers apprehend this. I have also made 7 interviews over the phone with co-workers on the dairys around Sweden. Including in these 7 interviews have I also talked and posed questions to representatives for the trades-union within Arla Foods. I have treated all the answers that have come back to me and from them have I made conclusions how the co-workes apprehend the companys communication.</p><p>Main Results: The main results I have been able to see is that the way the co-workers prefer to have their communication is trough the intranet, the staffpaper and the information verbally from the nearest chief. The co-workers are not so interested in the market and what’s hapening within Arla Foods in Denmark.</p><p>They think that on the Intranet should it be easier to find news and other things you would like to read about.</p>

hipótese inicialmente delineada era a de que os Movimentos Sociais não teriam inserção no Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida, uma vez que ele foi arquitetado alheio ao Plano Nacional de Habitação no bojo da Política Nacional de Habitação, tema incansavelmente discutido durante décadas por este grupo e outros setores da sociedade civil. Examinamos então o legado das políticas federais de habitação empreendidas no Brasil desde o período da Ditadura Militar até o advento do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida, o que nos levou a compreender, além do Programa propriamente dito, também suas inspirações e seu contexto de criação. Porém, já em 2009 (ano do lançamento do Programa), havia em seu portfólio uma modalidade específica para ser executada por entidades sem fins de lucro, buscamos compreender então como se deu a inserção e o acesso dos Movimentos Sociais de Moradia ao Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida. O que significou entender a formulação do programa Minha Casa Minha Vida Entidades, bem como sua operação. A análise de empreendimentos em obra ou em projeto na cidade de São Paulo e sua região metropolitana bem como todos os outros aspectos levantados na investigação permitiram concluir que a modalidade Entidades é um conjunto de adaptações de programas habitacionais federais pregressos e do próprio Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida em sua modalidade de atendimento à Faixa 1 (famílias cujos rendimentos alcançam até 3 salários mínimos mensais) operada pelo FAR. Permitiu concluir ainda que sua existência não significa condições favoráveis de acesso ao Programa pelos movimentos sociais que a reivindicaram. A tese analisa e discute a importância do advento da modalidade (parte) colocando-a em perspectiva com o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (todo), e sugere sua permanência, mesmo à despeito de seus problemas ideológicos, orçamentários e operacionais. / The initial outlined hypothesis was that Social Movements would not have insertion in My House My Life Program, since it has been projected not considering the National Housing Plan in the core of the National Housing Policy, which is a theme that was tirelessly discussed for decades by this group and other sectors of civil society. So, we examined the legacy of federal housing policies carried out in Brazil since the period of the Military Dictatorship until the advent of the My House My Life, which led us to understand the Program itself and more, as its inspirations and context of creation. However, in 2009 (year of the the Program release), there was in its portfolio a specific modality to be performed by non-profit entities. Then, we sought to understand how Housing Social Movements were inserted and had access to My House My Life Program. This meant to understand the formulation of the Program and its operation. The real estate projects analysis under construction or project in the Sao Paulo city and its metropolitan area as well as all other issues raised in the investigation showed that the Entities mode is a set of previous history federal housing programs adaptations and own My House My Life Program in your service modality Track 1 (families whose incomes reach up to 3 times the minimum wage) operated by FAR. It has also concluded that its existence does not mean favorable access conditions to the Program by the social movements that have claimed. The thesis analyzes and discusses the importance of modality advent (part) placing it in perspective with the My House My Life Program (whole), and suggests its stay, just despite its ideological, budgetary and operational problems.

Aim: My aim with this study is to investigate whether the co-workers in the company Arla Foods is satisfied with the communication between the company and the employees. If there are any changes to be made or if it works well as it is now. Method: I have sent out invistigationforms to 85 co-workers within Arla Foods. This forms included questions about Arla Foods internal communication and how the co-workers apprehend this. I have also made 7 interviews over the phone with co-workers on the dairys around Sweden. Including in these 7 interviews have I also talked and posed questions to representatives for the trades-union within Arla Foods. I have treated all the answers that have come back to me and from them have I made conclusions how the co-workes apprehend the companys communication. Main Results: The main results I have been able to see is that the way the co-workers prefer to have their communication is trough the intranet, the staffpaper and the information verbally from the nearest chief. The co-workers are not so interested in the market and what’s hapening within Arla Foods in Denmark. They think that on the Intranet should it be easier to find news and other things you would like to read about.

Ett examensarbete på högskolenivå som går igenom framtagningen av en ny produkt åt friluftsföretaget light my fire.

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A strange and enigmatic collection of myths, lyrical storytelling and fantastic folklore, Zora Neale Hurston's Tell My Horse: Voodoo and Life in Haiti and Jamaica details Hurston's Caribbean travels and journey as initiate into Haitian Voudoun. My thesis engages Hurston's contact with Voudoun as a phenomenon of encounter which begins for her with the complex crossing of rumours, secrets, lies, myths and memories embodied in stories of spirit-possession, secret societies and zombies circulating in Haiti. As Hurston pursues the "truth" of these stories she is caught in an experience of possession which I call "the rumour of Voudoun." This rumour is contagious in that these stories pull her toward the scene of Voudoun ritual and permeate her consciousness. By retracing Hurston's own phenomenon of bodily possession back in and through Voudoun's historicity across the Middle Passage and as a "medium of conspiracy" among the slaves during the rebellious uprisings in colonial Saint Domingue, I will argue that the rumour of Voudoun is a contagious affect by which an insurgent communal consciousness is passed on. The rumour circulates in and through a non-national, affective community in Haiti which continues to survive amid the silent history of anticolonial nationalisms.