This thesis examines health care choices patients make when illness and misfortune occur. Research on health seeking behaviour was conducted in Katutura (the African township outside of Windhoek in Namibia) during 1996 and 1997. Due to the availability of a wide range of health care options from both the western and the traditional medical systems, utilisation of traditional medicine represents a conscious choice by patients and is not due to a lack of other alternatives. The use of traditional medicine can therefore be attributed to social, cultural, and personal factors rather than access, cost, and distance to modern health care facilities. A set of theoretical postulates is constructed to explain health seeking behaviour, including western and African concepts of ill health, which integrates both macro and micro-level analysis. Through macro-level analysis, this model postulates that western and traditional medical systems are able to exist within a single society due to the presence of co-existing ideologies (Medical Systems Theory). This model further postulates that social change is a significant attribute of post-colonial Namibian society (Post-colonial Theory). Rapid social change causes social disequilibrium leading to insecurities within the population which increase traditional health care utilisation, especially due to witchcraft accusation. Thus, macro-level theories are used to explain the existence and form of health care alternatives in Katutura; while micro-level analysis is used to examine how people make rational health care choices based on individualised variables within the enabling and constraining umbrella of Namibia's social structure. These variables include the individual's means, goals, desires, and environment of physical and social objects. Health seeking behaviour is influenced by the individual's previous experiences (history), personal constraints, and access to information. Based on data from the 1996 Tradition and Health Survey administered as part of the research for this dissertation, a model for health seeking behaviour is developed to guide the analysis of qualitative data. This model postulates that different patterns of utilisation depend on perceived causes, reasons and origins (aetiology) as well as manifestations of illness. Some illnesses are perceived of as clearly African and some are seen to be clearly western (both of these perceptions result in a single utilisation pattern). Some illnesses have a social/spiritual aetiology but universally recognised manifestations (resulting in a simultaneous utilisation pattern), and some illnesses are of indeterminate aetiology until treatment begins (resulting in a multi-faceted utilisation pattern). In addition to a utilisation pattern based on the aetiology and manifestation of illness, previous health seeking experiences influence, to a certain extent, subsequent health care choices; whereby the failure of one medical system to produce satisfactory results can cause health seekers to shift to another treatment regimen. In Katutura choices patients make are also influenced, to a certain extent, by the urban nature of the health seeking environment. Urban patients seek traditional medicine for a range of social/spiritual aetiologies, due to rapid social change and the experience of new and threatening situations. Urban patients also have more knowledge and experience with the western concept of contagious transmission as opposed to the traditional concept of social/spiritual contamination. In addition, health seeking patterns vary slightly between the different ethnic groups in Katutura. Traditional aetiological beliefs of the different ethnic groups in Katutura are reflected in current cultural beliefs about the cause of illness.

The Prefecture of Pella bought Heirachabis in 1895 and occupied it in 1898. This marked the beginning of the Mission in the South. The Oblates of Mary Immaculate officially started on 8 December 1896. They were allowed to minister among the Europeans and among Africans, not ministered to by a Protestant Mission. The first expansion was at Klein Windhoek, and at Swakopmund being the gateway to the Protectorate. The Tswana invited the Mission to help them after they had arrived from the Cape. Aminuis and Epukiro were founded. After 1905 the Mission was allowed to open stations among the Herera and Damara. Doebra, Gobabis, Usakos, Omaruru, and Okombahe were the result. Seven expeditions were undertaken to reach Kavango. After many failures the first mission became a reality at Nyangana in 1910. Just before the war the expansion reached Grootfontein, Tsumeb and Kokasib. In the South missions were opened at Warmbad, Gabis, Keetmanshoop, Luederitz and Gibeon. World War I scattered the African population of the towns which disturbed the missionary work. The S. A. Administration allowed most missionaries to stay. After the Peace Conference S. W. A. became a Mandate of S. A. In 1924 permission was granted to enter Owambo. The first station was opened in Ukuambi, later followed by Ombalantu and Okatana. In 1926 the Prefecture of Lower Cimbebasia was elevated to the Vicariate of Windhoek, while the Prefecture of Great Namaqualand became the Vicariate of Keetmanshoop in 1930. World War II left the missionary activities undisturbed. In 1943 Magistrate Trollop in Caprivi invited the Catholic Mission in 1943 to come and open educational and health facilities. The South expanded into Stampriet, Witkrans, Aroab, Mariental. The election victory in 1948 in South Africa of the Afrikaner Parties with the resulting apartheid legislation negatively affected the missions in S. W. A. After 1965 the influence of Vatican II became noticeable, while the pressure of the United Nations Organisation moved the territory towards independence. While initially the Catholic Church had been very cautious, in the ?O's and 80's she took a very definite stand in favour of human rights. She also became a full member of the CCN. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

The Prefecture of Pella bought Heirachabis in 1895 and occupied it in 1898. This marked the beginning of the Mission in the South. The Oblates of Mary Immaculate officially started on 8 December 1896. They were allowed to minister among the Europeans and among Africans, not ministered to by a Protestant Mission. The first expansion was at Klein Windhoek, and at Swakopmund being the gateway to the Protectorate. The Tswana invited the Mission to help them after they had arrived from the Cape. Aminuis and Epukiro were founded. After 1905 the Mission was allowed to open stations among the Herera and Damara. Doebra, Gobabis, Usakos, Omaruru, and Okombahe were the result. Seven expeditions were undertaken to reach Kavango. After many failures the first mission became a reality at Nyangana in 1910. Just before the war the expansion reached Grootfontein, Tsumeb and Kokasib. In the South missions were opened at Warmbad, Gabis, Keetmanshoop, Luederitz and Gibeon. World War I scattered the African population of the towns which disturbed the missionary work. The S. A. Administration allowed most missionaries to stay. After the Peace Conference S. W. A. became a Mandate of S. A. In 1924 permission was granted to enter Owambo. The first station was opened in Ukuambi, later followed by Ombalantu and Okatana. In 1926 the Prefecture of Lower Cimbebasia was elevated to the Vicariate of Windhoek, while the Prefecture of Great Namaqualand became the Vicariate of Keetmanshoop in 1930. World War II left the missionary activities undisturbed. In 1943 Magistrate Trollop in Caprivi invited the Catholic Mission in 1943 to come and open educational and health facilities. The South expanded into Stampriet, Witkrans, Aroab, Mariental. The election victory in 1948 in South Africa of the Afrikaner Parties with the resulting apartheid legislation negatively affected the missions in S. W. A. After 1965 the influence of Vatican II became noticeable, while the pressure of the United Nations Organisation moved the territory towards independence. While initially the Catholic Church had been very cautious, in the ?O's and 80's she took a very definite stand in favour of human rights. She also became a full member of the CCN. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

Thesis (D. Litt. et Phil.)--University of South Africa, 1997.

Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 1995. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The history of the Oorlam Afrikaners began in the seventeenth century during the disintegration of the Cape Khoikhoi. Through this process a number of independent family groups came into existence. One of these, the Oorlam Afrikaners, had the ability to adapt to changing circumstances. This allowed them, despite their relative small numbers, to develop into a driving force in the history of Namaqua- and Namaland. The first two phases in this development were led by Klaas Afrikaner and his son, Jager Afrikaner. At the time of Jager Afrikaner's death in 1822, his people were living at Blydeverwacht and Jerusalem in southern Namaland. On his deathbed he handed over the leadership of the Oorlam Afrikaners to his second son, Jonker Afrikaner. This gave rise to dissatisfaction which eventually led to a split in the ranks and the moving of Jonker and his followers northwards. Due to Jonker's military skills and the advantages he and his followers had because of their access to firearms and ammunition, they established a reputation for effective warfare. In the thirties this in turn encouraged a Nama tribe, the Red Nation, to ask their help in defeating the Herero when they (the Nama) were driven from their traditional pastures. After driving the Herero back to the area north of the Kuiseb River, Jonker and his followers themselves settled in Central-Namaland, residing at places like Niais, Tsebris and eventually Windhoek. The Oorlam Afrikaners' position of power was vulnerable in one aspect - it was depended on the preservation of their access to firearms and ammunition for its existence and survival. Because of this Jonker initiated contact with the missionaries and traders by means of the English traveller, James Edward Alexander, who visited him in 1837. This in tum set in motion a chain of events which would clearly illustrate the interdependence of the indigenous people, missionaries and traders. Edward Cook and Joseph Tindall of the Wesleyan Mission Society were the first missionaries to visit the northern Oorlam Afrikaners. Their claim on Jonker, however, was not acknowledged by the Rhenish missionaries, Heinrich Kleinschmidt and Carl Hugo Hahn, who settled in Windhoek with Jonker's permission. Here an exceptional relationship developed between Jonker and Kleinschmidt. Jonker's wish to reunite the Oorlam Afrikaners and the unwillingness of the Wesleyan missionaries of the southern Afrikaners to work together with the Rhenish missionaries, eventually forced Kleinschmidt and Hahn to leave Windhoek. Meanwhile traders had arrived in the country. They supplied firearms, ammunition, brandy and other commodities to Jonker and his people on credit. By 1846 the indigenous people were so deeply in debt that they saw no other option than to start raiding the Herero in order to pay what they owed. Thus a period of violence and clashes across cultural borders and even within tribes began. Tension between Jonker and one of his Herero allies, Kahitjene, for example led to an attack on Kahitjene and the destruction of the mission station at Okahandja by Jonker in August 1850. A further escalation in violence was temporarily prevented by the arrival of the English traveller, Francis Galton. He threatened Jonker with British reprisals. After his departure growing resistance of indigenous leaders against Jonker erupted in an attack on Windhoek in May 1854. Again tension in the country was suppressed by external factors, this time the arrival of the copper miners. They promoted peace because the continuation of their work was impossible without it. Through their mediation the Matchlessmine Peace was concluded in November 1855. At the same time the way in which they played off the indigenous groups against each other, forced these leaders to form a collective forum against the mining community. This was done in the Treaty of Hoachanas, concluded in 1858. In 1858, after moving around and residing at Grootwarmfontein and Okapuka, Jonker and his people moved to Okahandja. With Okahandja as base, he became involved in Ovambo politics. Two years later, when the outbreak of lungsickness made the obtaining of cattle in the interior impossible, his previous contact gave him the opportunity to raid the Ovambo. He returned an ill man and died on 16 August 1861 in Okahandja. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Christiaan Afrikaner. After his death it became clear that the Oorlam Afrikaners owed the attaining of their position of power to the leadership abilities of Jonker Afrikaner. Through a combination of diplomacy and a display of power, and the way in which he manipulated people and group relations, he succeeded in setting the pace for events in the whole region between the Orange and Kunene Rivers. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams begin tydens die disintegrasie van die Kaapse Khoikhoi in die sewentiende eeu. Deur die loop van hierdie proses het verskeie onafhanklike familiegroepe, soos die Afrikaner-Oorlams, tot stand gekom. Hoewel aanvanklik klein en onbeduidend, het hulle vermoe om hulle by veranderende omstandighede aan te pas, mettertyd gelei tot die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaner-Oorlam-familiegroep as 'n magsfaktor in die geskiedenis van Namakwa- en Namaland. Die eerste twee fases van hierdie ontwikkeling het plaasgevind o.l.v. Klaas Afrikaner, en toe sy seun Jager. Toe Jager Afrikaner in 1822 oorlede is, het hy die leisels aan sy tweede oudste seun, Jonker Afrikaner, oorhandig. Op hierdie stadium het die Afrikaner- Oorlams in suidelike Namaland, by Blydeverwacht en Jerusalem, gewoon. Jager se optrede het tot 'n skeuring in Afrikaner-geledere gelei. Jonker Afrikaner se volgelinge het, danksy sy krygsvernuf en die voorsprong wat hulle toegang tot wapens en ammunisie hulle gegee het, 'n reputasie vir effektiewe oorlogvoering opgebou. Dit het 'n Nama-groep, die Rooinasie, aangespoor om hulle om hulp te vra toe hulle in die dertiger jare deur die Herero uit hulle tradisionele weivelde verdring is. Jonker-hulIe het die Herero teruggedryf tot anderkant die Kuisebrivier en hulle toe self in sentraal-Namaland gevestig, onder meer by Niais, Tsebris en uiteindelik by Windhoek. Jonker-hulle se nuwe magsposisie was kwesbaar in die opsig dat die daarstelling en voortbestaan daarvan afhanklik was van die behoud van hulle toegang tot vuurwapens en ammunisie. Daarom het Jonker in 1837, d.m.v. die Engelse reisiger James Edward Alexander, kontak met sendelinge en handelaars geYnisieer. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot 'n reeks gebeure wat die ineengestrengeldheid van die lotgevalle van die inheemse inwoner, sendeling en handelaar sterk na yore gebring het. Die eerste sendelinge wat die noordelike Afrikaner-Oorlams besoek het, was eerwaardes Edward Cook en Joseph Tindall van die Wesleyaanse Sendinggenootskap. Die Rynse sendelinge, Heinrich Kleinschmidt en Carl Hugo Hahn, het die Wesleyane se aanspraak op Jonker egter nie erken nie en hulle, met Jonker se toestemming, op Windhoek gevestig. Hier het mettertyd 'n besondere vertrouensverhouding tussen Jonker en Kleinschmidt ontwikkel. Jonker se begeerte om die onderskeie Afrikaner-Oorlam-groepe te herenig en die suidelike Afrikaners se sendelinge, die Wesleyane. se onwilligheid om met die RSG saam te werk, het Kleinschmidt-hulle egter uiteindelik gedwing om Windhoek te verlaat. Ondertussen het handelaars in die land aangekom wat ammunisie, vuurwapens, brandewyn en ander handelsartikels op krediet aan Jonker en sy mense verskaf het. Teen 1846 was die inheemse bevolking so diep in die skuld dat hulle geen ander uitweg gesien het as om die Herero te begin beroof om hulle skuld te delg nie. Hierdie optrede het 'n tydperk van geweld en botsings oor kultuurgrense heen en selfs binne stamverband ingelei. Spanning tussen Jonker en een van sy Herero-bondgenote Kahitjene, het byvoorbeeld gelei tot 'n aanval op laasgenoemde en die vernietiging van die sendingstasie Okahandja, in Augustus 1850. 'n Verdere eskalasie in geweld is tydelik verhinder deur die aankoms van die Engelse reisiger Francis Galton, wat Jonker gedreig het met Britse militere optrede. Na sy vertrek het opbouende verset teen Jonker onder inheemse leiers in Mei 1854 tot uitbarsting gekom in 'n aanval op Windhoek. Weer eens is die spanning in die land onderdruk deur eksterne faktore, die keer die aankoms van koperdelwers. Hulle het vrede aangemoedig omdat die voortsetting van hulle werksaamhede daarsonder onmoontlik was. Deur hulle bemiddeling is die Matchless-myn Vrede in November 1855 gesluit. Terselfdertyd het die wyse waarop hulle die verskillende inheemse groepe teen mekaar afgespeel het, inheemse leiers genoodsaak om die Traktaat van Hoachanas in 1858 te sluit, 'n verdrag wat aan hulle 'n gemeenskaplike forum teen die mynmaatskappye sou verskaf. Nadat Jonker en sy volgelinge onder meer op Grootwarmfontein en Okapuka gewoon het, het hulle in 1858 na Okahandja verhuis. Hiervandaan het Jonker betrokke geraak in die Ovambo-politiek. Dit het hom twee jaar later, toe longsiekte die verkryging van vee in die binneland onmoontlik gemaak het, die geleentheid gebied om die Ovambo te gaan beroof. Jonker het siek van hierdie roof tog af teruggekeer en op 16 Augustus 1861 op Okahandja gesterf. Hy is opgevolg deur sy oudste seun, Christiaan Afrikaner. Na sy dood het dit duidelik geword dat die Afrikaner-Oorlams hulle magsposisie hoofsaaklik aan Jonker se leierskap te danke gehad het. Deur'n kombinasie van magsvertoon en diplomasie en die manier waarop hy mense- en groepsverhoudinge gemanipuleer het, het hy vir bykans veertig jaar die pas aangegee vir gebeure in feitlik die hele landstreek tussen die Oranje- en Kuneneriviere.

Thesis (D. Litt. et Phil.)--University of South Africa, 1997.

This dissertation takes up the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AMEC) schism in 1946 in Namibia from the Rhenish Mission Society RMS), due to a protest against the inhumane treatment that the Nama leaders were forced to accept from the German missionaries belonging to the Rhenish Mission Society. The agitation movement of 1946 organized a church separated from the RMS which was started in response to the Africans' need for opportunities for self-expression, fuller involvement in the Church of God, and in society as a whole. It was the answer to a cry for social recognition as human beings, and the means through which a group of people started on a programme which gave them a growing sense of dignity and self respect. The underlying and longer term problems of this first schism in Namibia come out above all in the correspondence between the missionary Christiaan Spellmeyer and Petrus Jod, Markus Witbooi and Zacheus Thomas. These documents shed some light on the policy and attitude of the RMS in Namibia and in Gibeon in particular, mainly during the 1930's and early 1940's. This thesis records the significant role played by the Nama leaders to voice their grievances against the RMS. The involvement of the RMS missionaries in colonial politics has contributed to the subjugation of the black people. By concentrating their efforts on pioneering incentives in education, social care and ordination, the Nama leaders made an outstanding contribution to the establishment of AMEC in Namibia, the church which responds closely to the needs of the Nama people. This study should be of interest to those who are doing research on the history of Christian missions in Southern Africa, and in particular in Namibia. It is hoped that the findings of this study will bring a local perspective on the activities of the AMEC in Namibia, as up to the present, much available information has been written by German missionaries. A complete history of the indigenous clergy in Namibia, is unwritten. Much that would be most interesting and valuable went to the grave with those who had no possible means of transmitting it except by the uncertain and unreliable method of tradition. What made Zacheus Thomas, Markus Witbooi and Petrus Jod different from the Rhenish Mission Society's staff was the fact that they were from the IKhobesin clan, who understand and respect the culture of the Nama people. They could see and appreciate the structures of the Nama society and planned a development project from the African perspective. The researcher presents this work as a tribute to these pioneering Nama leaders whose lives and relationships are a true reflection of their Christian faith. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Durban-Westville, 2003.

This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime

Around Africa there seems to be an increasing disillusion with 'development', seen under the rubric of teleological 'progress', which is touted by post-colonial governments as being the cure for Africa's ailments and woes. Numerous authors have pointed out that this local disillusion, and the attempt to manage the inequities that arise through development and modernity, can be seen to be understood and acted upon by local peoples through the idiom of witchcraft beliefs and fears (see Geschiere & Fisiy 2001; Geschiere 1997; Nyamnjoh 2001; Comaroff & Comaroff 1993; Ashforth 2005) and spirit possession nanatives (see Luig 1999; Gezon 1999), or more simply, occult beliefs and praxis (Moore & Sanders 2001). The majority of the Mayeyi of Namibia's Eastern Caprivi perceive that development is the only way their regiOn and people can survive and succeed in a modernising world. At ~he same time there is also a seeming reluctance to move towards perceiving witchcraft as a means of accumulation (contra Geschiere 1997). This notion of the 'witchcraft of wealth' is emerging, but for the most part witches are seen as the enemies of development, while spirit possession narratives speak to the desire for development and of the identity of the group vis-a-vis the rest of the world. The thesis presented argues that, although modernity orientated analyses enable occult belief to be used as a lens through which to 1..mderstand 'modernity's malcontents' (Comaroff & Comaroff 1993), they can only go so far in explaining the intricacies of witchcraft and spirit possession beliefs themselves. The dissertation argues that one should return to the analysis of the cosmological underpinnings of witchcraft belief and spirit possession, taken together as complementary phenomena, in seeking to understand the domain of the occult. By doing so the thesis argues that a more comprehensive anthropological understanding is obtained of occult belief and practice, the ways in which the domain of the occult is constituted and the ways in which it is a reflection or commentary on a changing world.

Bibliography: pages 372-383. / This dissertation constitutes a study of all issues relevant to South West Africa/Namibian independence, from 1915 to June 1983. The method employed is primarily of a descriptive, historical and analytical nature, which brings together in a concise study a variety of primary research materials, particularly with extensive use of newspaper resources. Due to the limited available material on South West Africa/ Namibia, it was necessary to rely upon these journalistic sources to a large extent. It was, therefore, necessary to assume that: 1. newspaper references are correct and valid, and that articles by relevant authorities and political figures are a true expression of the writers' political beliefs; 2. that in terms of books, journals and other published materials in relation to South West Africa/Namibia, the facts have been accurately researched and verified, and 3. that personal conversations with relevant authorities are genuine as to the thoughts expressed. A number of hypotheses are put forward: 1. that independence will come about as the result of a process of negotiation and not because of military victory or defeat; 2. that the South West Africa People's Organisation is bound to be part of any true settlement; 3. that this organisation cannot claim to be the 'sole authentic representative' of the Territory's population, and, 4. as a result of this, there is a definite need for the accommodation of other internal parties in a genuine settlement as well.