A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of Zululand in fulfilment for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 2006. / This thesis seeks to close some lacunae that exists in the historiography of Natal and Zululand. Whereas the activities of the colonials are well documented and widely read, the actions and responses of the Zulu people to colonial expansion in Natal and Zululand have been neglected or only given a cursory glance. The impact of colonialism that resulted in the loss of land and a livelihood among the Zulu, could only be articulated with the necessary sensitivity by the Zulu people themselves. This, therefore, is an attempt to give audience to the Zulu voice. The study focuses on the period 1850 - 1887 which was characterized by a steady immigration, infiltration and penetration of the British into the traditional, social and political life of the Zulu people in Natal and Zululand. The elephant trails charted the way of the traders and hunters into the heart of Zululand and missionaries followed in their footsteps. The initial attempts at evangelization met with fervent resistance from the Zulu, simply because it contrasted with Zulu custom and was too alien to be readily comprehended and accepted by the Zulu, who still owed sole allegiance to their king. Nevertheless, colonial land policies and the establishment of Christian mission reserves led to the rise of an African peasantry which adapted to the white man's ways and flourished. The colonials introduced the "Shepstone system" which crammed the Zulu Into barren reserves and restricted their ownership of land in Natal Colony. This resulted in the steady decline of the peasantry as a recognizable social class. The dominant forces of capitalism and the promulgation of laws prohibiting Zulu freedom of movement eventually destroyed the African peasantry. The destruction of the homestead economy and the loss of land and cattle gave rise to a new class of poor people among the Zulu of Natal Colony. Meanwhile, in Zululand, signs of underdevelopment were already evident during the 1870*s. Federation schemes pursued by the British, with the desire to dominate the southern African region, coupled the suspicions that King Cetshwayo was planning to attack Natal, culminated in the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879. Despite Cetshwayo's plea for peace, the British invaded Zululand with the sole purpose of destroying the Zulu dynasty, which they viewed as an obstacle to British overlordship. British victory in the war led to Wolseley's clumsy settlement which unleashed a terribly bloody civil war that left Zululand devastated and the Zulu dynasty permanently weakened. Then came, rather too late, the annexation of Zululand by Britain in 1887.

This dissertation investigates the regulation of cross-border mobility and the formation of Natal, and nascent South African, immigration policy in the late colonial period. Natal's immigration technologies were at the very vanguard of a new global migration regime based on documentation and rigorous policing of boundaries. Essentially a thorough examination of the workings of the pre-Union Immigration Restriction Department (1897-c.191 0), I offer a historical analysis of state capacity to regulate and 'embrace' immigration along Natal's formative borders and points of entry, focusing on the port-town of Durban, whose colonial urban proftle forms a subsidiary focus of the project. This involves going beyond a mere study of policy and legislation - instead I have made a close and historically attentive study of the actual mechanisms of regulation and inclusion/exclusion and where these routinely failed, were subverted or implicated in economies of fraud and evasion. Through this, I build upon and deepen legal studies of immigration restriction by considering the practical and, to some degree, lived experience of restriction. I lay the groundwork by contextualizing the specific contours of 'undesirability' in turn of the century Durban. I point to a number of moral panics and a sense of crisis that engulfed officials in the town, referring in turn to merchant and 'passenger' Indians, wartime refugees, maritime labourers and poor whites, amongst others, moving to and through a regional and Indian-Ocean economy. I then turn to the 'technologies of exclusion' in two streams: 'paper-based' technologies of pass regimes, domicile certificates and education/language tests, and secondly more explicit forms of confinement, surveillance and patrol through police-guard systems and detention policies. An important aspect of the question that I consider turns on the growing capacity of the state to arrest and intern during and following the South African war. By the end of the war in 1902, progress would in practice be underwritten by a new climate of professional, technical and managerial agency that also percolated through state bureaucracies. 'Technological' and bureaucratic proficiency provided a legitimate and unproblematic guise for highly politicized state intervention and forms the origins of the 20'h century South African immigration administration. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2007.

Magister Artium - MA / Harriott is asleep under a jacaranda tree in her daughter's lush Escombe garden. Escombe is no longer part of the Natal Colony, the Natal Colony exists only in the minds of people like Harriott. Escombe, though still in the same place it's always been, is now part of the Union of South Africa. It is the 20th of January 1923. Harriott has lived in the Natal Colony for thirty years exactly. She has been married for only one day less. Dorothy's garden Is wonderful, but according to Harriott, not as wonderful as it could be with a little more effort. Dorothy's bougainvillea are a riot of cerise, peach and white. Her dipladenias climbing the pillars of the front veranda - a profusion of pink. The creamy day Iillies are in full bloom. The lavender is a field of purple and the plumbago hedge, where dragon-like Harriott is asleep under a jacaranda tree in her daughter's lush Escombe garden. The barometer has dropped. Harriott does not notice the thickening of the air, nor the band of dampness spreading along her back. Her chair is covered with blankets and a white sheep fleece. It Is the day-bed of a woman whose own padding has melted away, whose bones are dissolving, whose joints have swollen over. 'It won't be long,' whispers Herbert to his bride as they lie side by side sweltering in the room next to Harriott's, the door ajar so Dorothy can hear her if she calls out. 'I'm afraid, it won't be for very much longer, my dear.' chameleons lurk, is thick with blue ... a cool blue ud at t he bottom of the garden, Dorothy thinks. Boy is hard pressed to kee~~~~~~~~~i_~~~~ go, paw-paw and avocado trees. Harriott pays little heed to t ~ e for her lawns, beds, shrubs, Harriott's book is lying on the grass. It is a very slim volume, the slimmest she owns and the latest addition to her collection, thanks to dear Rose who tracked it down somewhere in London and sent it over. Harriott cannot hold anything heavier than the slimmest of books, nor can she make.

This account of Native Education in Natal has been written to make available for the first time a mass of valuable information, which will, it is hoped, prove useful to Government Officials and leading Missionaries. For this purpose, details have been entered into where they would otherwise have been unnecessary, and schemes which have borne no fruit have often been discussed as thoroughly as those which have been adopted. Especially is this so in the first four chapters. The earliest reports, at present terra incognita to the Natal Education officials, are in manuscript, are bound with Miscellaneous Reports of the Secretary for Native Affairs, and are now filed for preservation in the Natal Archives. Concerning even the Zwaart Kop Government Native Industrial School (1886 - 1891) very little information has been found available in the records kept by the Natal Education Department. The writer's chief object has been to give the history of "formal" education. For those interested in "informal" education, many excellent books on the customs and kraal-life of the Natives of South Africa are available. Questions of policy have been dealt with from the stand-point of the historian, rather than from that of a political or an educational administrator. Consequently no attempt has been made to advocate any one method of solving the problems of Native Education. Information concerning Zululand before its annexation to Natal in 1897 is unobtainable, because the documents collected in the Office of the Governor of Zululand are of too recent a date to be consulted by the public. Such material as is available points to the presence of only a few missionaries in Zululand before l898, owing to the attitude of the Zulu Kings towards them. The absence of accurate records has made it impossible to deal with such interesting subjects as The largest Mission Societies and The oldest Mission Stations. The inclusion of any account of unaided missionary effort has also been impossible; but it is quite safe to assume that all missionary effort which has produced good educational results has received either Government comment or Government grant. When the spelling of any Zulu name differs from the normal modern form of such a name, the variation is due to the fact that the documents consulted make various spellings possible. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-Natal University College, Pietermaritzburg, 1927.