A Thesis submitted to The University of Arizona College of Medicine - Phoenix in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Medicine. / The United States (U.S.) is currently facing a shortage of primary care physicians, an issue particularly salient in Arizona. The purpose of this project is to investigate predictors of students entering primary care specialties that may be apparent from their American Medical College Application Service (AMCAS) applications, in order to best serve the needs of the physician workforce. We hypothesized that factors such as female gender, older age at application (“non‐traditional” students), and being raised in a rural/underserved community background may be predictors of students who choose primary care fields. AMCAS applications are completed by aspiring medical students and contain demographic information including gender, age, race, languages spoken, and family/community characteristics. Data provided also include academic factors such as college major, grade point average (GPA), and Medical College Admissions Test (MCAT) scores. Other subjective data reported by applicants include descriptions of extracurricular activities and a personal statement. The National Resident Matching Program (NRMP) is the system used by graduating students during the last semester of medical school to match students with their choice of specialty and the residency program wherein they will spend an additional three years, minimum, in training. Based on the Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC) designations, we are considering primary care to be Family Medicine, Pediatrics, Internal Medicine, and Medicine‐Pediatrics. We examined data from AMCAS applications of all 149 students who graduated from the University of Arizona College of Medicine‐Phoenix between 2011‐2014, and compared to their NRMP match outcomes. Comparisons were made between non‐primary care versus primary care‐overall, as well as Family Medicine alone versus all other matches given the increasing rate of specialization within Internal Medicine and Pediatrics. Multiple logistic regression revealed two predictors of primary care career choice compared to non‐primary care: having more siblings (P=.003) and non‐physician parents (P=.017). Specific to Family Medicine, several predictors were identified compared to the non‐Family Medicine cohort: a slightly greater percentage of earned community college credits (P=.03), lower MCAT physical science (P=.009), higher MCAT verbal scores (P=.02), and lower paternal education (P=.003). Our analyses suggest having a greater number of siblings and non‐physician parents may predict primary care career choice. Specific to Family Medicine, academic factors including community college enrollment and MCAT scores may be of predictive value. Though the exact implications behind these findings are unclear, it is important to continually examine such data as medical schools can shape admissions selection criteria targeted at increasing the number of graduates seeking careers in primary care.

M.A. / Prof. D.J. Geldenhuys

No description available.

This thesis explores the events and repercussions surrounding the desegregation of schools in Arkansas, including an analysis of the Little Rock incident.

This study aims to establish what level of development has the Principle of Legality reached in national jurisdictions as well as in international law. The study analyses the developments and treatment of the Principle of Legality in international criminal law by means of an analysis of several national jurisdictions and international law; in Scotland, England, the United States, Mexico and South Africa. After this, the deduction of the rules of Legality were identified and compared with international developments in international human rights law and international criminal law was made and conclusions formulated. The various legal systems represent different ways of considering the Principle of Legality, taking into account the general aspects of retroactivity, strict construction and foreseeability as guidelines for this study. Therefore, it was not possible to extract a general understanding of the Principle of Legality, and even the consideration of minimum standards was a complex task. Despite these obstacles some conclusions could be reached regarding the evolution of the Principle of Legality in international criminal law. The Principle of Legality seems to be in a very early state of development in international criminal law. There seem to be some basic rules that are recognised in treaties, but the courts and the drafters of criminal definitions have not given the Principle the same scope at domestic legislatures and courts. However, the Rome Statute seems to provide for a system where the Principle of Legality could be respected, since its text gives the broadest scope of any treaty so far. However, for now there is still a lot of work to be done, if we aspire to create a respectful system of international criminal law, since the existing rules do not comply with the expected minimum standards.

No description available.

How have the Scots, Irish, Welsh, Cornish, Manx and Bretons built and maintained their Celtic identities over the last three centuries? The Celtic revivals which Scotland, Ireland, Brittany and Wales started experiencing in the eighteenth century were not confined to these regions. They were supported by London and Paris, where expatriate Celts had settled. A comparison of the revivals demonstrates that the search for a distinct national voice encouraged the Welsh and Bretons, and subsequently the Scots, Irish, Manx and Cornish, to form a pan-Celtic union consolidated by three major Celtic congresses. Since the revivals, the Celtic regions have come closer together thanks to the ongoing influence of the Celtic languages, whose revitalisation has enabled the Celtic cultures to overcome attacks meant to eradicate them. Once regarded as backward and inadequate for economic prosperity, the Celtic tongues have adapted to modernity through the passage to writing and print, and through their extension to new fields. As a bridge between past and present, they form the memory of modern Celticism, annually reawakened during a festival like Pan Celtic. Comparatively, Galicia has fused memory and imagination together because this region no longer speaks any Celtic language. The Celticity Galicia began imagining in the mid-nineteenth century has given birth to Galician nationalism, embodied within an autonomous community. Similarly, the six Celtic regions have invented a Celtic ethnicity for themselves, since there is no continuity between the ancient and the modern Celts. The latter's ethnogenesis has developed into nationalisms that strengthen their distinctiveness from their dominant neighbours. Nationalism has exported Celticism beyond the geographical boundaries of the Celtic regions. The construction of Celtic Scottishness, a case study, results from a partnership between Scotland, the initiator of tartans, clan gatherings and Scottish Gaelic, and North America, which has made these aspects internationally popular. Diasporic versions of Scottish Celtic culture have been introduced into the homeland, so that original and diasporic Celtic Scottishness have blended together. The diaspora Celts give Celtic identities new forms of expression.

L’objet de la présente étude est de déterminer l’influence du sport dans les régimes totalitaires européens au XXe siècle, en prenant pour exemple le modèle de l’Allemagne nazie. Par influence, il faut comprendre la place et le rôle qu’occupe le sport, en tant que pratique sportive mais aussi en tant qu’éducation physique, dans ce type de régime politique. Ainsi, afin de cerner au mieux le modèle allemand, il était nécessaire de s’intéresser également aux autres modèles similaires, à savoir celui de l’Italie fasciste, et celui de l’Union soviétique avant 1945, mais aussi à la politique sportive d’un régime démocratique, celui de la France. L’étude des autres modèles, celle du modèle allemand spécifiquement, et celle de ce que n’est pas le modèle allemand, visent à définir le plus précisément l’influence du sport dans la politique du pouvoir national-socialiste.De plus, afin de donner un élément d’analyse concret de cette influence, les Jeux olympiques de 1936 sont étudiés en détail. En effet, lors de ces événements, tout ce que représente le sport dans le IIIe Reich est mis en exergue, et l’on voit que le sport est un instrument éminemment politique au service de l’État hitlérien. Enfin, toujours dans cette optique de livrer la grille d’analyse la plus complète possible à ce sujet, les questions de l’esthétisme et de l’art nazis sont mis en corrélation avec le sport, ce qui permet de rendre véritablement compte de l’importance du sport dans l’Allemagne nazie. / The purpose of this study is to determine the influence of sport in the European totalitarian regimes in the twentieth century, taking as example the model of Nazi Germany. By influence, one should understand the place and role occupied by sport, as a sporting activity but also as physical education, in this kind of political regime. Thus, in order to better figure out the German model, it was necessary to also look at other similar models, namely that of Fascist Italy and of the Soviet Union before 1945, but also at the sports policy of a democratic regime, that of France. The study of the German model and of other models, and the study of what the German model is not aims to define more precisely the influence of sport in the politics of the National Socialist power. In addition, to give a concrete element of analysis of this influence, the 1936 Olympics are studied in detail. Indeed, these events bring to the fore all what sport stands for in the Third Reich, and we can see that sport is a highly political instrument at the service of the Hitlerian State. Finally, and still in the perspective of providing the most complete analysis as possible, the issues of Nazi aesthetics and art are put in correlation with sport, allowing to fully account for the importance of sport in Nazi Germany.

The end of the Cold War created new challenges and opportunities for European Security. The power vacuum that was left by the disappearance of the Warsaw Pact needed to be addressed quickly and pragmatically to ensure the democratization of the former Eastern Block nations. Also, recent developments in World Security such as increased Terrorism and Military Operations Other Than War have forced NATO and other Transatlantic Security Institutions to adapt to a new way of thinking, operating and cooperating. This thesis identifies some of the most recent political and security procedures of NATO, other various Transatlantic Security Institutions and the National Guard State Partnership Program to aide these nascent democracies. This thesis focuses on Hungary.s successful experience of obtaining NATO membership via the Partnership for Peace Programme and State Partnership Program as a case-study. / Approved for public release; distribution unlimited / Major, Ohio Air National Guard / Major, Hungarian Army

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / The thesis examines the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine (NSDC) and its role in the political decision-making process. Within the context of the post-Soviet period, this research analyzes the development of the NSDC's influence on political process in Ukraine since 1994. In addition, the thesis evaluates the place of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine and, in particular, of its Secretary in Ukrainian government. The present research analyzes and compares the experience of leading East-European and former Soviet Union countries as well as that of the United States of America in resolving the issues of national security policy. This study also makes suggestions about how to apply those experiences to the Ukrainian situation. The purpose of this thesis is to define the potential of the National Security and Defense Council as an actor of the Ukrainian political arena, and to find the strengths and weaknesses of the NSDC. The offered conclusions refer to the factors that undermine the NSDC's practical power in the political realm, conditions under which one might expect changes to the Council's contemporary role in the Ukrainian government, and the experiences of national security institutions of other countries and their application to the NSDC. / Civilian, Ukrainian Government Employee