In a world of presumed nation-states, nation has been, and still is, an intrinsic part of political legitimization and identity formation. Thus, it is clear that the understanding of nationality and people's relationship too it is of great importance for our understanding of how a stable society, partly built on nationality, can prevail in a world of migration consisting of individuals with diverging moral, religious and cultural conceptions. This thesis examines national sentiments in a cross-country comparative perspective. It consists of an introductory chapter and five articles. The first objective is to study the relationship between policy regimes and supposedly related national sentiments. The question is whether there are differences in national sentiments that can be derived from differences in policy regimes or whether there are more universal features to be found. In examining this we have the possibility to further understand what factors that help to create and sustain national sentiments. The second objective is to study the relation between different national sentiments and other complex attitudes such as xenophobia and protectionism. This includes the study of national identities as well as of nationalism. The following conclusions are drawn. First, it appears that we need to reconsider the almost taken for granted assumption of a correspondence between regime types prevalent in a certain society and people's sentiments towards such a society. Second, there exist substantial cross­country similarities in the effect that different national sentiments have. It is shown that people who have more civic forms of national sentiments are clearly less inclined to hold derogatory preconceptions about people perceived as not belonging to the group, compared the ideas held by those who have more ethnic national sentiments. Moreover, the findings also supply empirical evidence supporting the notion that a clear-cut positive nationalism can never exist. All in all, it is shown that multicultural ideas are something worth striving for on an individual level. Moreover, the results seem to indicate that a liberal form of multiculturalism is preferable to a more communitarian version, which is explored and supported in the normative exposé of the two forms of multiculturalism. / digitalisering@umu

Les années 1707 et 2011 marquent deux dates singulières du nationalisme écossais. Alors que l’union des royaumes d’Ecosse et d’Angleterre laisse place à la formulation d’une identité qui revendique la spécificité de l’Ecosse sans pour autant remettre en question le pouvoir central britannique, la victoire du « Scottish National Party » aux élections parlementaires symbolise la montée au pouvoir d’un parti qui revendique l’indépendance politique de l’Ecosse. Cette thèse se propose d’étudier la nature du sentiment national écossais et de ses représentations en analysant le rôle joué par le territoire national dans l’élaboration de l’idéologie nationaliste. Nous utilisons les concepts de la territorialité et du rhizome, comme définis respectivement par Jan Penrose d’une part et Gilles Deleuze et Félix Guattari d’autre part, afin de montrer que l’exploitation des représentations du sentiment national écossais donne naissance à des conceptions territoriales divergentes qui façonnent aujourd’hui encore l’identité nationale écossaise. / The years 1707 and 2011 hold a particular significance in the history of Scottish nationalism. Whereas the union of the kingdoms of Scotland and England gave way to the negotiation of a Scottish identity held within the larger structure of the British State, the victory of the "Scottish National Party" in the parliamentary elections symbolises the rise of a party claiming political independence for Scotland to a position of power. This thesis explores the nature of Scottish national sentiment and its representations while analyzing the role played by the national territory in the construction of nationalist thought. The concept of territoriality developed by Jan Penrose on the concept of rhizome as defined by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari are used in order to demonstrate that harnessing the representations of the Scottish national sentiment spawned two diverging conceptions of the national territory which still shape Scottish national identity.

Le concile de Constance est convoqué par le pape Jean XXIII en vue de mettre un terme au schisme qui déchire la chrétienté occidentale depuis 1378. Les Pères conciliaires sont également désireux de réformer l’Église et de mettre un terme aux abus qui y règnent. En tout état de cause, rien ne laisse supposer d’un premier abord que le concile de Constance soit l’occasion pour les Français qui s’y trouvent d’affirmer et de construire leur identité nationale. Pourtant, l’organisation du concile en nations favorise le regroupement des Français et rend nécessaire des prises de décisions communes. Entre 1415 et 1417, si les divergences existent entre les membres de cette nation composite, le sentiment national et la défense d’intérêts communs prennent une place croissante. Par ailleurs, la translation de la guerre de Cent Ans au concile rend les relations des nations anglaise et française de plus en plus conflictuelles. L’alliance du roi des Romains Sigismond avec Henri V isole les Français au concile. Face à toutes ces difficultés, la plus grande partie des membres de la nation française tend à s’unir et à faire corps autour de l’ambassade de Charles VI. Au nom de la loyauté envers la couronne, l’ambassade du roi de France cherche à prendre le contrôle de la nation française et à orienter ses décisions de façon à les rendre conformes aux intérêts du roi. / Pope John XXIII convened the oecumenical council of Constance to end the schism splitting the western Christianity since 1378. The council Fathers were also eager to reform and rid the Church of the prevailing influence peddling. Anyhow, at first glance nothing suggested that the council of Constance would give the attending French party an opportunity to assert and build up their national identity.Still, the council’ organisation around nations prompted the French to pool together and called for common stances in decision-making. Between 1415 and 1417, while differences still existed amongst the members of this composite nation, a feeling of national loyalty and the fight for common interests became increasingly important.In addition, due to the emergence of the 100 years’ war in the midst of the council, the French-English relationships became ever more conflicting. The French were isolated in the council as a result of the Roman king Sigismond’ alliance with Henry V.As a result of these mishaps, most members of the French nations felt prompted to unite and stand solidly behind Charles VI’ ambassadors.In the name of their pledge of allegiance to the Crown, the French king’s embassy endeavoured to gain control of, and orientate the French nation’s decision in a sense favouring the king’s interest.

The research into the student hall of residence founded in 1907 thanks to the impulse, plans, personal effort, and mainly to the large donation of Josef Hlávka has so far left out the fact that there was a long tradition of student halls of residence in Prague and elsewhere beforehand. The author of the thesis attempts to prove that some aspects of Hlávka's project, particularly it's charitable and nationalist motivations, existed much earlier. However, unlike other charity institutions of this kind, Josef Hlávka aimed to provide talented and hard- working but evincibly underfunded Czech students with education in foreign languages and with additional education in upper class etiquette including fencing lessons. What may have been support to Czech students and enhancement of their opportunities came to be, after the foundation of Czechoslovakia in 1918, an old-fashioned and outlived part of education of new academic juveniles.