Thesis (Th. M.)--Calvin Theological Seminary, 2003. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-101).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1965. / Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Guo li Taiwan da xue, 1975. / Cover title. Reproduced from typescript ; on double leaves. Bibliography: p.321-328.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-269).

This study examines ideas of self and self-cultivation as developed during the first half of the Choson Dynasty (1392-1911) by focusing on introductory texts or commentaries, diagrams, or Korean annotations on the Great Learning. Moreover, given that much of this material is pedagogical, how and to whom these ideas were presented will also be examined. The scholars examined here were leading thinkers during the first half of the Choson Dynasty— Kwon Kun (1352-1409) helped introduce and lay the intellectual framework of Ch'eng-Chu Neo-Confucianism in the early period of the Choson Dyansty. T'oegye (1501-1570) is often seen as the foremost Confucian scholar of the Choson period. His ideas served as the foundation of a major school of thought during the Choson Dyansty, the Yongnam school. The last scholar, Yulgok (1536-1584), is also seen as one of the great scholars of the period. His ideas form the basis of the other major school of thought in Korean Neo-Confucianism- the Kiho school. Examining the ideas of these thinkers will reveal how ideas of human nature and self-cultivation developed and changed over the early course of the Choson Dynasty and how and to whom these ideas were presented. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

漢字的「觀」指的不僅是一種身體的知覺能力，其為視覺活動背後包涵了豐富的心靈活動，讓事物呈現更深邃的面向。「觀物」在北宋以前一直潛伏於儒家的語脈當中，尚未成為一個突出的概念，直到邵康節始點化出來作顯題處理， 直指一種窮理體道的活動。與邵康節並世的周濂溪、張橫渠和二程兄弟都分別有觀窗前草、觀驢鳴、觀雞雛、觀魚游等的雅事為人所樂道。觀物不僅是理學家的休閒活動，更和他們的道德修養息息相關，悠然帶著成德工夫的意味。有見及此，一、我們可以探討北宋理學中的觀物在什麼意義下是一種修道的工夫；二、以觀物工夫切入北宋五子，可以提供一個新的角度審視理學的發展 。 / The Chinese character Gun (Cantonese) or Guan (Mandarin) entails not only our physical sensibility, the visual activity itself also unfolds a rich exercising of the mind, revealing a dimension lying in the depth of objects. Before Northern Song, the concept of Guan Wu (Deep Viewing of Things) has been latent in the Confucius linguistic context. It has not been a significant concept until highlighted by Master Shao Yong, who argued that this is an activity of articulating and embodying the truth. Other four contemporaries of Master Shao Yong, namely Zhou Dunyi, Zhang Zai, Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi, were acclaimed for the engagements in the deep viewing of different entities: the deep viewing of the grass before window, the deep viewing of a donkey braying, the deep viewing of the chicks and the deep viewing of the swimming fish. Guan Wu is not only a pastime to the Neo-Confucianists, it is also closely related to their own self-cultivation with a hint of manifesting Dao aplomb. In view of this, this thesis aims to, firstly, examine to what understanding is Guan Wu (Deep Viewing of Things) a way of self-cultivation in Northern Song Neo-Confucianism. Secondly, it shall argue that understanding the five masters of Northern Song through the self-cultivation of Guan Wu can provide a new perspective in examining the development of Neo-Confucianism. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 鄧康宏. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-163). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Deng Kanghong.

賴品超. / 複本據稿本複印. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Fu ben ju gao ben fu yin. / Includes bibliographical references: leaves 221-229. / Lai Pinchao. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / Chapter 一 --- 導言 --- p.1-3 / Chapter 二 --- 榷約翰神學的分期 --- p.4-6 / Chapter 三 --- 榷約翰的早期神學 / Chapter 甲 --- 懷黑德哲學的啟迪 --- p.7-15 / Chapter 乙 --- 基督教的最終性　 --- p.16-26 / Chapter 四 --- 榷約翰神學的轉折期 --- p.27-30 / Chapter 五 --- 榷約翰的後期神學 --- p.31-32 / Chapter 甲 --- 從生態神學到政治神學 / Chapter 1 --- 生態危機的衝擊 --- p.33-37 / Chapter 2 --- 生態神學 --- p.38 / Chapter (i) --- 生命觀 --- p.39-94 / Chapter (ii) --- 人的角色與責任 --- p.45-50 / Chapter (iii) --- 上帝觀 --- p.51-57 / Chapter (iv) --- 政治的問題 --- p.57-63 / Chapter 3 --- 政治神學 / Chapter (i) --- 歷程神學作為政治神學 --- p.64-68 / Chapter (ii) --- 末世論與上帝觀 --- p.69-72 / Chapter (iii) --- 政治神學方法論 --- p.73-78 / Chapter 乙 --- 宗教對話 / Chapter 1 --- 基督論 / Chapter (i) --- 道的基督論 --- p.79-82 / Chapter (ii) --- 基督的影响力 --- p.83-87 / Chapter (iii) --- 基督的位格 --- p.88-999 / Chapter 2 --- 宗教對話的埋論 / Chapter (i) --- 基督為中心 --- p.100-104 / Chapter (ii) --- 互相轉化為目的 --- p.105-111 / Chapter 3 --- 小結 --- p.112-118 / Chapter 六 --- 對基督教與新儒家對話的意義 --- p.119 / Chapter 甲 --- 對話的橋樑──懷黑德哲學 / Chapter 1 --- 需要性 --- p.120-121 / Chapter 2 --- 可行性 --- p.121-124 / Chapter 3 --- 優點 --- p.124-129 / Chapter 乙 --- 對話的態度與目的 / Chapter 1 --- 否定爭論誰更優越 --- p.130-131 / Chapter (i) --- 各宗教的共同歸宿 --- p.131-133 / Chapter (ii) --- 圓教 --- p.133-157 / Chapter 2 --- 以相互的創造地轉化為目的 / Chapter (i) --- 新儒家的態度 --- p.138-146 / Chapter (ii) --- 基督教的態度 --- p.147-153 / Chapter 3 --- 平等對話不分主客 --- p.154-159 / Chapter 丙 --- 對話中的基督教的新立場 --- p.160-175 / Chapter 丁 --- 對話新焦點 --- p.176-177 / Chapter 1 --- 生態危機 --- p.177-181 / Chapter 2 --- 婦女解放 --- p.182-184 / Chapter 七 --- 結論 --- p.185-186 / 註釋 --- p.187-220 / 參考書目 --- p.211-229

本文以明初官定程朱理學讀本《四書五經性理大全》的成書和思想反應為中心，旨在探討朱子學在14、15世紀流衍、官學化乃至自我更新的過程。作為士人參加科舉考試的必讀之書，《四書五經性理大全》原則上締造著明代士人的思維結構乃至行事方式，成為他們為學從政的依據和根基。全文主要分為三個部份：第一部份重點討論此書萌生於14世紀的主要學術背景，指出它是在元代浙江、江西、徽州三地朱子學並競發展的多元化局面中醞釀而生的。第二部份首先檢討了明初洪武、永樂兩朝帝王一脈相承卻又有不同的理學取態。同樣尊信理學可以幫助治國，太祖樂於以務實態度來修正和完善朱子學並顯現出他淩駕於道統的情形，而明成祖則將程朱理學視作其政權合法性的依據進而操縱了儒家道統，《大全》正是在明初政治文化微妙而重大轉變中應運而生的。本文接著考察了《大全》的編纂、取材與影響，從中指出編纂地選在北京對成祖遷都部署的配合作用，並分析《大全》內容取材的地域特色，及此特色所受敕撰要求、書籍流通、人事安排等因素的影響；統計其刊行情況以證實《大全》地位在有明一代從未被動搖，在晚明乃至成為商業出版中有利可圖的公共文化資源的情形。本文第三部份重點以15世紀持續出現的多種《大全》反應性著作為分析對象，從中觀察《大全》被作為舉業的讀本、行道的載體、救正時弊乃至變革士人思想的必由取徑，而在地方學官、著名儒者以及土木之變後學者型官員中引發的激烈迴響和對其批評、質疑、修正的相應行動。透過這些討論，本文期望檢討14世紀朱子後學的多元化發展與並競局面、明初帝王的理學取態對於明初理學的官學化進程的實際影響，以及15世紀的菁英士大夫如何運用“統一“後的理學學說來應對現實危機與朱子學發展困境等議題。 / This dissertation studies the formation of and intellectual responses to the Sishu Wujing Xingli Daquan( Great Compendia of the Four Books, Five Classics and Human Nature and Heavenly Principle), which were compiled in the Yongle period (1403-1424), in the context of the spreading and self renewal of Zhu Xi’s philosophical school in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As must-read books for the imperial examinations, the Compendia affected Ming scholars’ mode of thinking and their way of doing things. They also formed the basis of their classical learning and political participation. / The study begins with an analysis of the intellectual background of the Compendia in the fourteenth century. It points out that there were three types of development and competition patterns of Yüan Neo-Confucianism in Zhejiang, Jiangxi and Huizhou. / The research then reviews the important changes of attitude from the Hongwu emperor to the Yongle emperor towards Neo-Confucianism. Although both emperors believed that Neo-Confucianism could help them better govern the country, the Hongwu emperor was keen to see revisions of Zhu Xi’s classical exegesis. To meet his realistic needs he even ignored the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. The Yongle emperor, however, used Neo-Confucianism as the basis of his political legitimacy and thus manipulated the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. / This study also discusses the process of compilation, selection of material and Ming editions of the Compendia. It finds that the whole set was compiled in Beijing to parallel the policy of moving the capital from Nanjing to Beijing. It points out that the Compendia are mainly based on the works written by Yüan scholars from Huizhou prefecture, and for a number of reasons: requirement of the Yongle emperor, good circulation of books or classical commentary in late Yüan and early Ming Huizhou area, and arrangement of the editorial personnel. Finally, I analyze the editions of the Compendia published throughout the Ming dynasty to show the reception of them and to confirm its popularity in commercial publishing in the late Ming period. / By focusing on the views of scholars in the fifteenth Century who wrote their books in response to the Compendia, I show how school teachers, Confucian thinkers, and scholar-officials after the Tu-mu incident of 1449 saw the Compendia as teaching materials, vehicle for driving daoxue learning, a way to solve the problems of their times, but also subjected them to criticism, questioning and revision. / This then reveals the influence of the state-sanctioned Cheng-Zhu of Neo-Confucianism and its decline in the course of 14th and 15th centuries. The challenges the school faced in the 15th century formed the background of the marked shift to another approach of Confucian learning in the next century best represented by Wang Yangming. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 朱冶. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 275-293). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhu Ye. / 目錄 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.5 / Chapter 一、 --- 元代朱子學研究的回顧與展望 --- p.6 / Chapter 二、 --- 明初政治文化與《大全》研究 --- p.11 / Chapter 三、 --- 十五世紀思想史的研究路向 --- p.16 / Chapter 四、 --- 論文結構 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章 --- 多元並競：元代南方三地朱子學的推廣與認受 --- p.21 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學術譜系的建構與強化以金華吳師道為例 --- p.22 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄉里傳統：“金華四先生“的成立 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、 --- 師友淵源：吳師道與“金華四先生“之一許謙的交往 --- p.25 / Chapter 三、 --- 求助於官：吳師道推廣金華學術的努力 --- p.31 / Chapter 四、 --- “獨得其宗：吳師道對金華學統的強烈自認 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二節 --- 學問自得與道統傳遞以江西虞集為中心 --- p.41 / Chapter 一、 --- 期為“豪傑“：虞集之師吳澄的學術面向與道學承創 --- p.42 / Chapter 二、 --- 文名之外：虞集的理學身份與學問趨向 --- p.51 / Chapter 三、 --- 誰是正學？：虞集拒絶撰寫許謙墓銘的由來及其相關問題 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三節 --- 一宗朱子與著述傳道以新安汪克寬等人為例 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 羽翼與纂釋：新安朱子學的特色及其影響 --- p.66 / Chapter 二、 --- 挫折與執著：汪克寬的為學、著述及與虞集的學術分野 --- p.80 / Chapter 三、 --- 反思與開新：朱升各經《旁注》的撰作及用意 --- p.87 / 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第三章 --- 君師治教：明初洪武、永樂兩朝對待宋元理學的取態 --- p.98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學以輔政：太祖敕修《書傳會選》的用意及影響 --- p.99 / Chapter 一、 --- 太祖修訂蔡《傳》的背景及用意 --- p.100 / Chapter 二、 --- 《書傳會選》的編纂及內容特色 --- p.107 / Chapter 三、 --- 《書傳會選》的有限影響：以永樂二年的廷試對策為中心 --- p.111 / Chapter 第二節 --- 道治天下：成祖治國理念的演進以《聖學心法》為中心 --- p.114 / Chapter 一、 --- 學在皇家：成祖與帝王教育 --- p.115 / Chapter 二、 --- 治平有道：成祖與《聖學心法》 --- p.116 / Chapter 三、 --- 道在六經：成祖與三部《大全》 --- p.135 / 小結 --- p.145 / Chapter 第四章 --- 垂世立教：《大全》的編纂、取材及其流傳 --- p.147 / Chapter 第一節 --- 纂修地點與編修人員、分工特色 --- p.147 / Chapter 一、 --- 北京：纂修地的安排及用意 --- p.147 / Chapter 二、 --- 人員任用與分工 --- p.151 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《四書五經大全》的內容取材及成因 --- p.161 / Chapter 一、 --- 《大全》的體例、性質與取材的關係 --- p.163 / Chapter 二、 --- 《大全》所選書籍在明初的影響 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 人事因素與《大全》取材 --- p.172 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《大全》在明代的刊行與流傳 --- p.174 / Chapter 一、 --- 刊行歷史概說 --- p.175 / Chapter 二、 --- 校訂本 --- p.176 / Chapter 三、 --- 增補本、合刊本 --- p.177 / 小結 --- p.178 / Chapter 第五章 --- 十五世紀士人對《大全》的反應及其意義 --- p.181 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方學官：最初的反應 --- p.181 / Chapter 一、 --- 摘取切要：彭勗及其《書傳大全通釋》 --- p.182 / Chapter 二、 --- “不可泥也：陳璲等人之意見 --- p.185 / Chapter 第二節 --- 儒者的取態：薛瑄及其《讀書錄》 --- p.187 / Chapter 一、 --- 《性理大全》：《讀書錄》的主要閱讀對象 --- p.187 / Chapter 二、 --- 《讀書錄》對《四書五經大全》的具體意見 --- p.190 / Chapter 第三節 --- “一道德與“經世：十五世紀中後期學者型官員對《大全》的修正 --- p.195 / Chapter 一、 --- 理事之道：楊守陳及其《私抄》 --- p.197 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世面向：周洪謨及其《疑辨錄》 --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 以心考之：王恕及其《石渠意見》 --- p.226 / Chapter 四、 --- 輔翼之書：蔡清及其《蒙引》諸書 --- p.235 / 小結 --- p.259 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.261 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 《四書五經性理大全》的明代版本 --- p.266 / 參考文獻 --- p.275

Thesis (Th. M.)--Calvin Theological Seminary, 2003. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-101).

Thesis (Th. M.)--Calvin Theological Seminary, 2003. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-101).