This thesis explores the changing approach of the Chosŏn state to subjects with foreign lineages in the period between the Imjin War (1592-98) and the early nineteenth century. Chosŏn Korea underwent considerable upheaval during the Imjin War and the wars of the Ming-Qing transition. Many Jurchen subjects of the Chosŏn court were forced from their homes in the Tumen Valley into the banner armies of the rising Qing state, with only a remnant persisting in Chosŏn. Additionally, large numbers of Ming Chinese entered Chosŏn either with the Ming army or as refugees from war in Liaodong. Initially, the Chosŏn state responded to its Jurchen and Ming Chinese subjects primarily through pragmatic concern about the loyalty of these subjects to the Chosŏn and the burden they imposed on the agricultural economy. As a result, the Chosŏn court welcomed and even defended the Jurchen as established Chosŏn subjects but was cautious of the more alien Ming deserters and refugees. Ming migrant status did not improve during the remainder of the seventeenth century. Ming Chinese lineages were considered, along with Jurchen and Japanese, within the same invidious submitting foreigner tax category. During the same period fraudulent Ming migrants became a focus for sedition among non-elites. The eighteenth century rise of Ming Loyalist ritualism transformed the response of the Chosŏn court to such foreign lineages as Ming migrant lineages were encouraged to participate in court-sponsored Ming loyalist rituals. Along with this ritual participation Ming migrant status was transformed from that of submitting foreigners to that of imperial subjects, while Jurchen and Japanese lineages disappeared. At the same time, hagiographic biographies were written of the original Ming Chinese refugees which praised them for coming to Chosŏn because of Neo-Confucian loyalty to the Ming. The Chosŏn state responded to foreign lineages according to changing circumstances. Neo-Confucian ritualism only played a role in response to Ming lineages in the eighteenth century when earlier concerns about disloyalty and social disruption had largely passed.

Universiẗat, Diss., 2007--Regensburg.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available in electronic version.

This thesis examines the rationale behind the work of Thomé H. Fang 方東美 (Fang Dongmei, 1899-1977) and Tang Junyi 唐君毅 (1909-1978), two of the most important Confucian thinkers in twentieth-century China, who appropriated aspects of the medieval Chinese Buddhist school of Huayan to develop a response to the challenges of ‘scientism’, the belief, widespread in their times, that quantitative natural science is the only valuable part of human learning and the only source of truth. As the status of Confucianism in China had declined from the mid-nineteenth century, non-Confucian ideas were appropriated by Chinese thinkers for developing responses to ‘scientism’, adopting the principle of fanben kaixin 返本開新 (going back to the origin and developing new elements). Buddhist ideas from a range of schools played an important role in this. Unlike other thinkers who turned to the schools of Consciousness-Only and Tiantai, Fang and Tang, for reasons of their own, saw the thought of the Huayan school as the apex of Buddhism and so drew on selected aspects to support and develop their own views. Fang regarded Huayan thought as a fine example of the idea of ‘harmony’, since in its vision of the perfect state all phenomena co-exist without contradiction. Interpreting the explanation of this given by Dushun 杜順 (557-640) in his own way, Fang argued that human beings are able to integrate physical, biological and psychic elements of the ‘natural order’ with values such as truth, beauty and goodness which belong to the ‘transcendental order’. He thus proposed that scientism’s view of humanity as matter could be incorporated without contradiction but also without excluding ‘non-scientific’ aesthetic, moral and religious values. By contrast, Tang stressed the characteristics of Huayan’s theory of ‘doctrinal classification’, as developed by Fazang 法藏 (643-712). Interpreting this to mean that different ideas could be applicable in different periods, Tang argued that the worldview of ‘scientism’ may indeed help solve problems in its own sphere, such as the desire for scientific development. Other paradigms, however, are preferable in discussing moral issues. In other words, this Buddhist theory allowed him to claim that both Confucianism and ‘scientism’ have their own value. Neither of them should be negated in principle. I argue that Fang’s and Tang’s selective appropriations of Huayan thought not only paid heed to the hermeneutical importance of studying ancient texts in order to be more responsive to modern issues, a concern hotly debated in the field of Chinese philosophical studies, but also helped confirm the values of Confucianism under the challenge of ‘scientism’. In short, by absorbing ideas from Huayan thought, both Fang and Tang, to different extents and in different ways, provided responses to the challenge of ‘scientism’ which gave a place to science without rejecting the importance of human faculties such as aesthetic appreciation and moral judgment or asserting the dominance of perception and cognition over other human faculties, the ultimate cause, as they saw it, of ‘scientism’.

No description available.

王賜惠. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wang Cihui.

吳汝林. / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999. / 參考文獻 (leaves 149-158). / 附中英文摘要. / Wu Rulin. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)-- Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 149-158). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一. --- 本文的研究動機及研究範圍 / Chapter 二. --- 本文之目的 / Chapter 三. --- 本文的架構及大綱 / Chapter 四. --- 困難與限制及本文所選用的資料 / Chapter 第二章 --- 何謂「當代新儒家」？ --- p.11 / Chapter 第三章 --- 當代新儒家論基督教--牟宗三教授觀點的探究 --- p.15 / Chapter 一. --- 個人小傳及其主要代表著作 / Chapter 二. --- 牟宗三論基督教觀點的述要 / Chapter 三. --- 小結 / Chapter 第四章 --- 當代新儒家論基督教--蔡仁厚教授觀點的探究 --- p.39 / Chapter 一. --- 個人小傳及其主要代表著作 / Chapter 二. --- 蔡仁厚論基督教觀點的述要 / Chapter 三. --- 小結 / Chapter 第五章 --- 當代新儒家論基督教--劉述先教授觀點的探究 --- p.61 / Chapter 一. --- 個人小傳及其主要代表著作 / Chapter 二. --- 劉述先論基督教觀點的述要 / Chapter 三. --- 小結 / Chapter 第六章 --- 當代新儒家論基督教--杜維明教授觀點的探究 --- p.84 / Chapter 一. --- 個人小傳及其主要代表著作 / Chapter 二. --- 杜維明論基督教觀點的述要 / Chapter 三. --- 小結 / Chapter 第七章 --- 相關課題的採討 --- p.106 / Chapter 一. --- 儒家是否「宗教」？ / Chapter 二. --- 有關儒家之「超越而內在」天道與基督教之 「超越而外在」上帝的初探 / Chapter 三. --- 基督教學者如何去回應「當代新儒家」對基 督教所提出之問題與挑戰？ / Chapter 第八章 --- 結論 --- p.146 / 主要參考書目 --- p.149

By reconstructing his lecture activities, I found and discussed the conflicts and debates Li had with other philosophical schools of his times. In so doing, I also discussed the interaction between Li's learning and the philosophical traditions of places where he taught, for example, his difference with the traditions of the Zhu Xi school in Fujian. What emerged is that Li was a strong and unyielding philosopher who was able to give theoretical coherence to his disciples but failed to spread his teachings into established schools of thought. / From the case of Li Cai, this dissertation finds that three elements were common and crucial to the founding of a new philosophical school in middle and late Ming times---a doctrine couched in some terse expressions, expressions deriving from the Great Learning as key terms of the doctrine, and organized lecture activities. The dissertation also argues that it was the fundamental notions of achieving learning by oneself (zide) and transmission of the orthodox Way (daotong) that drove the creation of original arguments and "discussion of learning" activities in the late Ming. Li Cai worked himself to distinction amid this practice of the time by formulating his own doctrine on ethics. His emphasis on "cultivation of the person" is a deliberate counteraction to the "extension of innate knowledge" of Wang Yangming, whose school by Li's time had much indulged in the liberation of the individual to the neglect of social norms. Engaging himself as a teacher, Li Cai also cast himself as a rival to Wang Yangming. He considered his endeavor as an act of transmitting the Way and his doctrine as providing true insights into the teaching of Confucianism. More precisely, he considered his zhixiu doctrine a loyal representation of the teachings of Confucius and his great disciple Zeng Shen. / Li talked about his zhi-xiu doctrine everywhere he went. He advanced this doctrine by means of establishing academies (shuyuan), publishing his own works, organizing discussions and debates, lecturing to large audiences, and engaging in philosophical exchanges through correspondence with his discussants. He engaged himself in activities like these when he was director of a bureau in the minister of War, an assistant surveillance commissioner in Guangdong, and an administrative vice commissioner in charge of military affairs in the southwestern border region of the Ming empire. He lost no enthusiasm in championing his doctrine even when he was an exile in Fujian province for more than ten years. / The study begins with an analysis of the Daxue (Great Learning) , the most important Neo-Confucian classic in late imperial times, which exists in a large number of versions since Northern Song times. I first analyze the most cited versions, identifying especially the differences between Zhu Xi's orthodox version and the so-called Old Text derived from the classic Record of Rites. The latter version gained ascendance from the late fifteenth century when Wang Yangming's school strongly advocated it. / This dissertation studies a well-known, but not yet well studied, statesman and philosopher of the sixteenth century, Li Cai, and his relationship to the building of philosophical schools in the world of Ming Confucianism. It hopes to throw lights on the study of Ming intellectual communities as well as on the general intellectual history of late imperial China. / To distinguish himself from both Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming, Li Cai provided a new version of the Great Learning by rearranging the texts of the Old Text and Zhu Xi's version as well as the text in the Shijing daxue (Stone Classics Great Learning), which is a forgery but acclaimed by many scholars of the time. Li Cai formulated his own philosophical doctrine from this new version and summed it up with the term zhixiu, which stands for the word zhi and the word xiu, respectively, which in turn are abbreviations of the phrases zhi yu zhishan (abiding by the supreme good) and xiushen (cultivation of the person), phrases that denote key notions in the Great Learning. He theorized that zhi refers to the substance and xiu refers to the practice of his doctrine. In actuality, he takes zhi to mean focusing on nourishing the mind and xiu to mean self-examination and watchfulness in the cultivation of the self. / 劉勇. / Adviser: Chu Hung-Lam. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2187. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 362-389). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Liu Yong.

La présente étude sur la justice sud-coréenne, passée et présente, cherche à énoncer les termes ou les valeurs qui pourraient guider vers une meilleure compréhension de cette notion. Elle ambitionne d’éclairer la particularité de sa tradition judiciaire qui a connu moult bouleversements et dont la perception actuelle est brouillée. Conceptualisée et institutionnalisée dans sa forme contemporaine sur un moule occidental, la justice s’inscrit dans une tradition juridique singulière et ancienne proprement coréenne. Comparativement à la tradition « légaliste » occidentale la pensée juridique coréenne s’appuie sur une morale tirée du confucianisme. Cette éthique fondée sur le savoir, les vertus et les convenances, va contribuer à façonner une théorie et une pratique de la justice dont l’influence perdure jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Pour découvrir le sens de la justice en Corée du Sud, la première partie cherche à définir l’ensemble des idées qui se rattachent au principe de justice afin d’en définir le « sens » au sens de signification. La deuxième partie traite de la justice en tant qu’institution judiciaire et ambitionne d’en retracer le fil historique afin d’en expliquer le « sens » compris comme la direction et les évolutions que connaissent les différentes formes d’administration de la justice. La troisième partie s’intéresse au sens de la justice en tant que ressenti, c’est-à-dire à la façon dont les Sud-Coréens, perçoivent et se saisissent de la justice au moyen des « sens ». Pour ce faire, c’est la perception de l’idée et de l’image de la justice comprise à la fois comme principe et comme fonction judiciaire qui est étudiée ainsi que sa réception. / This study on the South Korean justice, past and present, seeks to set out the terms or values that could guide towards a better understanding of this concept. It aims to reveal the distinctive aspects of its legal tradition that went through multiple upheavals and whose current perception is blurred.Conceptualized and institutionalized in its contemporary form on a western mold, justice is in itself a unique and ancient Korean legal tradition. Compared to the Western « legalistic » view, traditional Korean legal thought is based on a moral drawn from Confucianism. This ethic based on knowledge, virtue, and etiquette, will help shape a theory and practice of justice whose influence endures to this day.To discover the meanings of justice in South Korea and clarify what justice means and represents through time, the first part attempts to define all the ideas connected with the principle of justice. The second part discuss the judicial institution and aims to trace its historical thread to explain the changes experienced by the different forms of administration of justice. The third part focuses on the feelings of justice. It aims to describe how South Koreans perceive and grasp justice. To do this, it is the perception of the idea and the image of justice understood both as a principle and judicial function that is analyzed, as well as the way this perception is received.

The pursuit of harmony has always been a great concern of Chinese thinkers. In this process, especially prior to the Ming dynasty, a significant “borrowing” of their basic philosophical elements and their mutually syncretic metamorphosis was a common practice among three religious communities, particularly disseminated during times of crisis. The work of Wang Yangming proved to be an epitome of this philosophical “collaboration”, capable of producing new synthetic teachings that directly or indirectly linked two or more polarized teachings. He succeeded in modifying the existing Buddhist idea of inherited Buddha Nature to be now understood as an innate insight, while also promoting the practice of meditation, as a clear example of Chan and Daoist influence. Wang Yangming is probably best known for his emphasis on the simultaneity of the two functions – knowledge and action, viewed as a reinterpretation of non-Confucian ideas in a new Neo-Confucian framework.