This study is a comparative analysis of the rise of Neo-Confucianism in China during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and the emergence of the school of Kabbalah in France and Spain during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries CE. This comparison is grounded in the observation that the two schools, in spite of their obvious differences, were an outcome of separate reactions to the rising popularity of foreign paradigms. I draw a distinction between synthetic and analytic modes of operation (modalities), arguing they represent contrasting cultural paradigms characterized by divergent cognitive, social, linguistic, and cultural temperaments. I argue that both the classical Chinese and Jewish worldviews conformed to the basic characteristics of the synthetic modality, and that they entered a period of acute crisis as a result of the rising popularity of the analytic Buddhist and Greek philosophical traditions respectively. As I define it, the synthetic worldview is characterized by the affirmation of the body and this-worldly life, an emphasis on ritual and community, cultural particularism, and associative, non-analytical modes of thought. The contrasting analytic worldview stresses individualism, de-contextualization of data, other-worldliness, contemplative spirituality, and universalism. In the context of this project, I develop a methodological framework I call genetic-morphology. This methodology seeks to integrate a synchronic search for cross-cultural patterns with an emphasis on the diachronic evolution of traditions as they change and adapt to new environmental conditions. It also integrates data from diverse academic fields such as religious studies, anthropology, cross-cultural psychology, biology, and systems theory. As such this study offers a gestalt appreciation of cultural systems, their internal dynamic, the symbiotic relationship between their constituent parts, and the function of information in their operation. This dissertation concludes that Kabbalah and Neo-Confucianism can be understood as "defense theologies," or adaptive responses devised to protect their classical synthetic modes of operation from the cultural pressures of analytic paradigms. Kabbalah and Neo-Confucianism were unique in their ability to appropriate powerful features from analytic traditions and subordinate them to native synthetic sensibilities, thereby equipping the Jewish and Chinese traditions with revolutionary theologies that dismantled the challenges of foreign analytic paradigms.

鄭宗義. / 論文(博士) -- 香港中文大學哲學學部, 1995. / 參考文献 : leaves 178-187. / Zheng Zongyi. / 序論一一寫在哲學與思想史之間 --- p.I / Chapter 第一章： --- 形上與形下之間的緊張´ؤ´ؤ明末王學的再省察 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：宋明儒家的形上與形下世界 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 内聖層面的緊張：玄虛而蕩與情識而肆 --- p.8 / Chapter 三、 --- 東林的救正與學風的變動 --- p.21 / Chapter 四、 --- 外王層面的緊張：儒學、亡天下與综當代之務 --- p.31 / Chapter 第二章： --- 心學系統内的救正 --- p.38 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：廣義的王學者 --- p.38 / Chapter 二、 --- 劉蕺山誠意愼獨之敎及其在思想史上的意義 --- p.42 / Chapter 三、 --- 黄宗羲一心萬殊思想的發展與完成 --- p.62 / Chapter 四、 --- 附論孫夏峰與李二曲 --- p.83 / Chapter 第三章： --- 心學系統外的救正 --- p.98 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：朱子學的再興 --- p.98 / Chapter 二、 --- 明末清初朱子學的三種型態及其消長 --- p.101 / Chapter 三、 --- 附論反宋明儒思潮 --- p.134 / Chapter 第四章： --- 明清儒學的轉型 --- p.151 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：形上心靈的萎縮 --- p.151 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世、考證與達情遂欲哲學 --- p.153 / Chapter 三、 --- 附論「實學」的實義 --- p.160 / Chapter 第五章： --- 達情遂欲哲學衡論 --- p.162 / Chapter 一、 --- 引論 --- p.162 / Chapter 二、 --- 分論一：陳乾初 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 分論二 ：戴東原 --- p.170 / 參考資料 --- p.178

My thesis closely analyzes the shi poetry of the Song dynasty philosopher Zhu Xi (1130-1200). I look at its deep structure, especially the tensions embedded therein between literature and philosophy, and between his inner mind and the external world, manifested in ways different from what he taught in his philosophical works. Although his poetry itself is not considered to be aesthetically outstanding, I suggest that it is crucial to a better understanding of the evolution of Zhu’s philosophical project on the relationship between humans and the natural world. Zhu Xi wanted to establish and defend a coherent and practical self-cultivation theory, which would enable people to recognize the dao through daily experiences. Nevertheless, in his poetry production, he was facing a long-entrenched influential poetic tradition with its emphasis on the outer world described by embellished words and spontaneous overflow of emotions, while leaving an open end for the meanings or less discriminatively appealing to the Daoist or Buddhist idea of transcendence, the logic of which fundamentally contradicts that of daoxue construction. This made it impossible to achieve the dao in a this-worldly fashion. The contradiction had to be reconciled by Zhu Xi in his poems, an issue that he actually wrestled with throughout his life. Consequently, the style of Zhu Xi’s poetry was differentiated from both that of other Neo-Confucians and indeed that of any other poets in Chinese history. In his poetic texts, the tension between the outer world, inner emotions and philosophical inclination is more intensified, and the exploration of the relationship between man and nature more focused and conscious. In this thesis, I present an aesthetic world of Zhu Xi beyond all his ambiguous philosophical discussions, unfavorable comments on poetry, and his profoundly contradictory attitudes towards versifying.

Poetry occupies an eminent position in the history of Chinese literature because almost all the traditional men of letters had experience in composing poems. However, it was not until the Sung Dynasty that the criticism of poetry became very popular; this was singled out by the appearance of a number of books called, shih-hua (icons omitted) (remarks on poetry). Since the Sung period on, shih-hua has received both praise and censure. Traditional critics tended to evaluate shih-hua from a practical viewpoint. For example, Wang Shih-han (icons omitted) criticised the content of shih-hua as trivial because it deviated from the subjects of filial piety, trust, and other Confucian merits. On the other hand, Kuo Shao-yu (icons omitted) proclaimed that shih-hua preserved a great deal of worthy materials for the study of poetry. Modern scholars tend to evaluate shih-hua from the aesthetic viewpoint. For instance, Yen Yuan-shu (icons omitted) describes shih-hua as "vague and obscure" and "lacking systematic discourse." Yet other scholars such as Yeh Wei-lien (icons omitted) claim that the shih-hua offers readers a chance to recapture the world of rich imagery in poetic composition. In order to make a more objective judgement between the above two extremely different evaluations of shih-hua, the following issues must first be resolved: the definition of shih-hua which is related to Ou-yang Hsiu's (icons omitted) Liu-i shih-hua (icons omitted) the first book titled shih-hua, what kind of poetic tradition the Liu-i shih-hua inherited, what kind of person its author was, under what kind of literary environment it was produced, what were the contents of the work, and what kind of influence it exerted on the development of the shih-hua genre. Then we may tentatively reach an answer: the practical criticism of poetry only covers one part of the content of shih-hua. To make a complete evaluation of a shih-hua book or the shih-hua genre itself, a critic must take all the issues above into consideration.

The main aim of this thesis is to provide a comprehensive account of the development of the institution of slavery in Korea. Slavery was a part of Korean society from its earliest times, and the evidence of this can be found in the penal code of eight provisions enacted by the mythical emperor Kidža, where he for the first time mentioned slavery as a punishment for theft. From this time on it was ceaselessly present in Korean society until its abolition in 1894. The oldest form of slavery as a punishment was gradually supplemented with other ways of how a person could fall into slavery. Individual slavery gradually evolved into hereditary slavery. Despite the fact that slavery was ceaselessly present in Korean society, the character and even the existence of it are still called into question in academic discussions. In the introductory part of my thesis I focused on the very essence of slavery. Afterwards, I gave a brief overview of the characteristics of three typical slave societies i.e. ancient Greece, ancient Rome and the United States of America. Studying the important characteristics of slavery in other slave societies provided the base for a detailed analysis of the connections with the Korean type of slavery. Some of this information confirms the hypothesis that slavery in Korea was...

The current project attempts to construct a modest version of natural theology with the aid of Confucian axiology and American Pragmatism. Its main thrust is to map out several levels of integrative valuation moving from nature and society into the innermost part of the human core. It envisions a Confucian axiological cosmos where values are scattered ubiquitously in the universe and its myriad presences. The pragmatic theories of Charles S. Peirce and William James are employed to construct methodological mechanisms by which natural values are to be recognized, semioticized, transferred and integrated into the human equilibrium as valutional core. Nature, society and the human valutional core are envisioned as three major value hubs that are intricately intertwined and mutually reciprocal. The levels of integrative valuation consist of a series of evaluative steps spread along the history of Confucianism. Beginning with an objective observation of Investigation of Things, it reaches the semiotic stage of Rectifying the Name, which followed by physical participation in the Unity of Knowledge and Action, and eventually arrives at the grand stage of Ritual Appropriateness. The Protestant churches with Chinese cultural background are considered as the communal basis of this project. The rival coexistence of both naturalistic and anti-naturalistic tendencies makes them an apt sample for this axiological project of reconfiguring a natural theology. If accomplished successfully, this project will establish an axiological type of natural theology by means of integrating resources from Confucianism, American Pragmatism and Christian Theology. It will demonstrate a way of engaging nature alternative to those of logical positivist, materialistic or even ecological approaches. This project may help conservative Protestant Christians redress their obsession concerning special, direct, salvific grace by redirecting them towards natural values that are profoundly rich and nourishing by reconciling the cultural and religious dimensions of their lives.

溫偉耀. / 稿本(電腦打印本) / Thesis (Ph. D.)--香港中文大學歷史學部, 1990. / Gao ben (dian nao da yin ben) / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 233-246). / Wen Weiyao. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue li shi xue bu, 1990. / 凡例 / Chapter 第一章 --- 序論：關於二程子的硏究 --- p.1 / Chapter 一. --- 民國以來二程子思想硏究的發展 --- p.3 / Chapter (甲) --- 中日戰爭以前的二程硏究 --- p.4 / Chapter (乙) --- 由抗戰至六零年代的二程硏究 --- p.8 / Chapter (丙) --- 牟宗三的《心體與性體》及其影響 --- p.11 / Chapter (丁) --- 八零年代二程研究的發展 --- p.16 / Chapter 二. --- 綜論二程硏究的問題及本論文的寫作立場 --- p.22 / Chapter 第二章 --- 程明道即「一本」言工夫之義理格局 --- p.32 / Chapter ´ؤ. --- 引言：「一本」之境界 --- p.32 / Chapter 二. --- 「一本」境界之内涵與義理格局 --- p.39 / Chapter (甲) --- 「一本」論作為一種圓頓的觀照境界 --- p.40 / Chapter (1) --- 通過「本體」統攝「存在」從把持本源的統攝意向破分別相的境界 --- p.40 / Chapter (2) --- 即「存在」即「本體」---絶對圓融之觀照境界 --- p.50 / Chapter (乙) --- 「一本」論作為一種極度簡單化的生命情調 --- p.61 / Chapter 三. --- 達至「一本」境界之工夫 --- p.72 / Chapter (甲) --- 體悟-境界的提昇、意識的轉化 --- p.74 / Chapter (乙) --- 漸悟漸修-「誠、敬、憤獨」的把持工夫 --- p.84 / Chapter 第三章 --- 程伊川之致知與涵養工夫 --- p.92 / Chapter ´ؤ. --- 引言-伊川工夫論之一般性格 --- p.92 / Chapter 二. --- 伊川格物窮理致知工夫之疑難 --- p.95 / Chapter (甲) --- 「格物窮理致知」的道德實踐意義 --- p.95 / Chapter (乙) --- 疏解伊川「格物、致知」工夫的偏差 --- p.100 / Chapter (1) --- 將伊川「格物窮理」工夫類比於近代西方的科學歸納法 --- p.101 / Chapter (2) --- 將朱熹的「格物致知」論套入伊川的理解之中 --- p.105 / Chapter (3) --- 伊川「格物致知」工夫的不同層次 --- p.112 / Chapter 三. --- 伊川「格物、致知」之現象學與存有論的詮釋 --- p.117 / Chapter (甲) --- 通過讀聖賢典籍去提昇自己的道德生命 --- p.117 / Chapter (1) --- 讀書與道德生命的提昇 --- p.119 / Chapter (2) --- 對聖賢典籍的再體驗 --- p.125 / Chapter (乙) --- 體察歴史人物經歷以把握為聖之道 --- p.129 / Chapter (1) --- 讀史與道德生命的提昇 --- p.130 / Chapter (2) --- 對歷史的具體解悟 --- p.136 / Chapter (丙) --- 居敬集義-透過待人接物的生活去提昇自己的道德生命 --- p.141 / Chapter (1) --- 待人之道與道德生命的提昇 --- p.146 / Chapter (2) --- 接物之道與道德生命的提昇 --- p.154 / Chapter (3) --- 「敬」作為涵養的工夫 --- p.173 / Chapter (丁) --- 觀天地萬物氣象而感應德性生命之義理 --- p.181 / Chapter (1) --- 觀物察己的本體學根據 --- p.182 / Chapter (2) --- 觀物察己的工夫 --- p.195 / Chapter (3) --- 再論「聞見之知」與「德性之知」 --- p.204 / Chapter 第四章 --- 視域與觀照：二程子工夫論之會通 --- p.209 / Chapter 一. --- 對二程同異的不同立場 --- p.210 / Chapter 二. --- 二程所鋪陳的成聖之道 --- p.215 / Chapter (甲) --- 從二程生平經歴看二人之學術關係 --- p.215 / Chapter (乙) --- 程伊川的轉向 --- p.219 / Chapter (1) --- 伊川貫通「未發」與「已發」的工夫見解 --- p.219 / Chapter (2) --- 視域與觀照：伊川的「修」與「悟」 --- p.227 / Chapter (丙) --- 修-悟-把持 --- p.230 / 參考資料選輯 --- p.233 / Chapter ´ؤ. --- 二程生平著作古籍原典 --- p.233 / Chapter 二. --- 民國以來直接論二程的著作（按寫作先後排列） --- p.234 / Chapter 三. --- 中文、日文參考書目 --- p.238 / Chapter 四. --- 外文參考書目 --- p.241

Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Manuscript. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 190-192). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang zhong wen da xue. / 上　篇 / Chapter 一 --- 王陽明良知問題之緣起 --- p.3 / Chapter 二 --- 王陽明良知學之分流 --- p.25 / Chapter 三 --- 錢緒山及王龍溪言先天、後天之學之疏解 --- p.55 / Chapter 四 --- 錢、王辨四有四無之說及其會通之郵 --- p.74 / 下　篇 / Chapter 五 --- 聶雙江與羅念菴言主靜歸寂之切義 --- p.91 / Chapter 六 --- 王心齋之順格物以安身義，言致良知之工夫 --- p.117 / Chapter 七 --- 羅近溪之順心知義以言大人之學 --- p.132 / Chapter 八 --- 八王一菴以意為知之主，說良知之定向義 --- p.151 / Chapter 九 --- 由王門諸子言良知以下開劉蕺山誠意之學 --- p.165

吳通福. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (p. 148-154). / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Wu Tongfu. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 148-154).

This thesis explores the changing approach of the Chosŏn state to subjects with foreign lineages in the period between the Imjin War (1592-98) and the early nineteenth century. Chosŏn Korea underwent considerable upheaval during the Imjin War and the wars of the Ming-Qing transition. Many Jurchen subjects of the Chosŏn court were forced from their homes in the Tumen Valley into the banner armies of the rising Qing state, with only a remnant persisting in Chosŏn. Additionally, large numbers of Ming Chinese entered Chosŏn either with the Ming army or as refugees from war in Liaodong. Initially, the Chosŏn state responded to its Jurchen and Ming Chinese subjects primarily through pragmatic concern about the loyalty of these subjects to the Chosŏn and the burden they imposed on the agricultural economy. As a result, the Chosŏn court welcomed and even defended the Jurchen as established Chosŏn subjects but was cautious of the more alien Ming deserters and refugees. Ming migrant status did not improve during the remainder of the seventeenth century. Ming Chinese lineages were considered, along with Jurchen and Japanese, within the same invidious submitting foreigner tax category. During the same period fraudulent Ming migrants became a focus for sedition among non-elites. The eighteenth century rise of Ming Loyalist ritualism transformed the response of the Chosŏn court to such foreign lineages as Ming migrant lineages were encouraged to participate in court-sponsored Ming loyalist rituals. Along with this ritual participation Ming migrant status was transformed from that of submitting foreigners to that of imperial subjects, while Jurchen and Japanese lineages disappeared. At the same time, hagiographic biographies were written of the original Ming Chinese refugees which praised them for coming to Chosŏn because of Neo-Confucian loyalty to the Ming. The Chosŏn state responded to foreign lineages according to changing circumstances. Neo-Confucian ritualism only played a role in response to Ming lineages in the eighteenth century when earlier concerns about disloyalty and social disruption had largely passed.