This thesis offers a critique of neoliberal transformation in South Africa, which process results in growing social inequality and political apathy among citizens. Many scholars have made political-economic and historical analyses of the neoliberal transition, emphasizing structural changes at work at a ‘macro’ level. However, little attention has been paid to changes that have taken place in South Africa at the ‘micro’ level – changes to individual subjectivity and gender codes. That said, the thesis opens by summarizing the above mentioned political-economic accounts of neoliberalism in South Africa, because such works are indispensable to understanding how the regime is embedded within and buttressed by major global institutions. Yet, to achieve a holistic grasp of ‘neoliberal South Africa,’ more is needed. A sociological investigation into the impact of neoliberalism on ordinary people’s self-identification uncovers deep cultural reasons for the continued perpetuation of this unjust political-economic system. Only if it can be understood why people comply with the system in the face of suffering, can effective counter-measures be proposed and implemented over time. This thesis is inherently transdisciplinary. The approach rejects the privileging of one discipline over others, and likewise cautions against collapsing or dissolving disciplines into one another. Instead, recognizing the valuable contribution that each discipline can make to critical scrutiny of a particular issue, a form of methodological transversalism is used to bring different disciplines into dialogue with one another. Following this interplay of structural and subjective analysis, the thesis uncovers the role that consumerism plays in the political neutralization of South Africans. Consumer culture, tied as it is to profitable accumulation, instigates the neoliberal ‘values’ of economistic calculation, competition, and social atomization. This ethos is inculcated in individuals, both at work and during leisure hours. Moreover, consumerism derives much of its power from its ‘sexual sell,’ the creation of fashionable and ‘exemplary’ models of masculinity and femininity. In South Africa, these hegemonic gender models serve to instill competitive individualism while derogating indigenous values. The thesis proposes that in order to counter neoliberal hegemony in South Africa, and begin reclaiming the cultural autonomy of its peoples, it is important to invigorate indigenous communitarian practices and norms. The original contribution of this thesis consists in placing the African ethos of ubuntu in transversal dialogue with global ecological feminist voices. Both political perspectives reinforce a liberatory alternative vision for a future based on principles of embodied relationality, care giving and protection of community.

Since its inception, the internet ‒ and in particular Web 2.0 ‒ have been valorized as potentially revolutionary democratic spaces. Despite the emergence of concerns over the progressively neoliberal orientation and narcissistic effects of the internet, evidence of the radical democratic potential of this media has received considerable attention. This thesis is orientated around both an exploration of such evidence, and a consideration of its relevance for South Africa. In this regard, the thesis commences with an exploration of the neoliberal underpinnings of the internet and the growing translation of dominant neoliberal discourses into the online practices of mainstream liberal democratic politics. Focus then shifts toward the mounting influence of alternative radical democratic positions online, through an investigation of the virtual manifestations of deliberative, autonomous, and agonistic approaches to radical democracy. And following an examination of the online political practices of selected recent global social movements, the primacy of agonism in online expressions of radical democracy is advanced. In turn, resonances and dissonances between the online activity and practices of such global social movements, and the use of the internet and social media by well-known South African new social movements, are explored. Finally, this thesis concludes by recommending a fourfold new media approach through which the agonistic radical democratic potential of the internet can be realized more fully by the new social movements of South Africa.

Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the field of International Relations, at the University of the Witwatersrand, 2016 / In the early 1990s South Africa left the Apartheid-era and transformed into a country based on liberal democratic principles such as freedom and human rights. The soon to be inaugurated president, Nelson Mandela, promised that South Africa would base its new foreign policy on these same principles and the pursuit of the international human rights agenda. Initially this seemed to be the case; South Africa signed on to most international human rights conventions and even acted on these principles condemning Nigeria when the ruling regime executed human rights activists. However, once the country gradually began adopting neoliberal ideological positions, first domestically then in its foreign policy, the prominence of human rights in South Africa’s foreign policy began to wane. This is evidenced in South Africa’s actions on international organisations as well as the country’s approach to human rights challenges such as the Zimbabwean crisis in the early 2000s and the furore over planned visit of the Dalai Lama in 2011. Using a hermeneutic approach it is possible to gain an ontological understanding of the process by which this move towards neoliberalism lead to a economisation and commodification of South Africa’s foreign policy between 1994-2014. This in turn undermined the liberal democratic principles which underpinned the country’s international relations leading to a relegation of the human rights agenda to a subsequent by product which can be achieved through greater market liberalisation. / MT2017

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis describes the development of neoliberalism within the global context and explains how this ideology influenced economic policy formulation in post-apartheid South Africa. Policies from the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) to the New Economic Growth Path (NEGP) are analysed within the timeframe from 1996 to 2011 to determine how and whether neoliberalism had an impact on policy formulation. The development of neoliberal thinking is historicised to illustrate how it became the dominant ideational framework at the world order level. This was a path dependent process which is traced at the social, institutional and ideational levels. The establishment of the Mont Pelerin Society, the development of the post-Second World War economic order and the development and implementation of the Washington Consensus are important aspects of a counter-ideational challenge to Keynesianism which took place over some 25 years. The rationale behind neoliberalism and the implementation of neoliberal policies is strongly motivated by assumptions such as private property rights, deregulation of trade, finance and production and a form of state which facilitates market dominant policies. Neoliberalism strongly came to prominence during the 1970s and 1980s. During this time increased pressure was placed on the South African apartheid government from outside and inside to implement more market-orientated or neoliberal economic policies. It became increasingly evident that South Africa’s isolation to economic globalisation was not sustainable. At the time of the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990, the ANC did not have a clearly formulated economic programme. Neoliberal thinking gradually gained in influence among ANC leaders and policy makers and after the party resoundingly won the 1994 elections, it seemed that neoliberal thinking became well established, albeit with some important variations and distinctive characteristics. The Growth, Employment and Redistribution programme did not fully achieve its primary goals of employment creation and redistribution, although a period of economic growth (2002-2006) did follow the first phase of its implementation. This led to a rethink and reevaluation of economic policy, particularly after the global financial crisis (2007-2009). The first “rethink” led to the adoption of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA). This shift is regarded by some analysts as an economic transition period from GEAR to a more developmentalist and interventionist policy, but is, in fact, characterised by continuity and is in line with the World Bank’s post-Washington consensus thinking. This period is also characterised by internal tensions within the ANC and the leadership struggle between Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki (the incumbent president and architect of GEAR), Zuma’s victory was regarded as a victory for the left, but was followed by minor concessions and more continuity in policy, notwithstanding the launching of the NEGP in 2011 which spells out some goals for democratising and restructuring the economy. The study concludes that neoliberalism had a unique influence on economic policy formulation in South Africa even though it was not a pure reflection of neoliberal policies. Economic policy formulation in South Africa has undergone constant change and adaptation and reflects the shifting balance of power between the major social forces related to production and finance in the country. At the rhetorical level, policy seems to be moving in the direction of a democratic developmental state and this needs to be viewed within the context of the circumstances which led to the development of the RDP, GEAR and the NEGP. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis beskryf die ontwikkeling van neoliberalisme binne die globale konteks en verduidelik hoe hierdie ideologie ekonomiese beleidformulering in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed het. Ekonomiese beleid vanaf die Herkonstruksie en Ontwikkling-program (HOP), die Groei, Indiensneming en Herverspreiding-program (GIEH) en die Nuwe Ekonomiese Groei-pad (NEGP) word geanaliseer binne die tydsbestek vanaf 1996-2011, ten einde te bepaal hoe en of neoliberalisme ’n impak op beleidsformulering in die land gehad het. Die ontwikkeling van neoliberale denke word histories beskryf ten einde te illustreer hoe dit, op die wêreld-orde vlak, die dominante ideologiese raamwerk vir ekonomiese beleid geword het. Hierdie proses was afhanklik van ’n aantal duidelik lynverwante fases wat nagespoor word op die kontinuum van sosiale, institusionele en idees dimensies. Die vorming van die Mont Pelerin Stigting, die ontwikkeling van die na-oorlogse (WWII) ekonomiese orde en die ontwikkeling en implementering van die Washington-konsensus is belangrike aspekte van die bou van ’n ideologiese alternatief vir Keynesianisme wat oor ongeveer 25 jaar plaasgevind het. Die rasionaal onderliggend aan neoliberalisme en daarmee gepaardgaande beleid word sterk gemotiveer deur die aannames van privaat eiendomsregte, deregulering van handel, finanasies en produksie en ’n staatsvorm wat mark-dominante beleid fasiliteer. Neoliberalisme het tydens die 1970s and 1980s prominent geword. Tydens hierdie periode is van buite en van binne toenemende druk op die apartheid regime geplaas om meer markgeorienteerde en neoliberale beleidsveranderinge te implementeer. Dit is veral tydens die 1980s dat dit al hoe duideliker geword het dat Suid-Afrika se isolasie in ’n ekonomies globaliserende wêreld nie meer haalbaar was nie. Ten tye van die ontbanning van die ANC en die vrylating van Nelson Mandela in 1990, het die ANC nie ’n duidelik geformuleerde ekonomiese program en beleid gehad nie. Teen 1994, het neoliberale denke geleidelik in invloed toegeneem onder ANC leiers en beleidmakers, en na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing, het dit voorgekom asof dit goed gevestig was, met nietemin belangrike plaaslike variasies en onderskeibare kenmerke. Die GIEH, wat as die amptelike vervatting van neoliberale ekonomiese beleid beskou kan word, het nie ten volle sy primêre doelwitte van werkskepping en herverspreiding bereik nie, alhoewel ’n periode van ekonomiese groei (2002-2006) wel gevolg het na die eerste fase van dié beleid se implementering. Dit het tot ’n herbeskouing en herevaluering gelei, veral na die globale finansiële krisies (2007-2009). Die eerste “herformulering” van beleid het gelei tot die aanname van die Versnelde en Gedeelde Groei-inisiatief vir Suid-Afrika (VGGISA). Hierdie ontwikkeling is deur sommige waarnemers beskou as ’n ekonomiese oorgang van GIEH na ’n meer ontwikkelingsgerigte en intervensionistiese staat, maar is, in der waarheid, gekenmerk deur kontinuïteit en was in pas met die post-Washington konsensus beleid van die Wêreld Bank. Hierdie periode is ook noemenswaardig vir interne spanninge binne die ANC en die leierskaps-stryd tussen Jacob Zuma en Thabo Mbeki (die sittende president en argitek van GIEH). Zuma se oorwinning is beskou as ’n oorwinning vir die linksgesindes in die Drieparty Alliansie (ANC, COSATU en SACP), maar is gevolg deur klein toegewings en meer kontinuïteit in ekonomiese beleid. Dit, nieteenstaande die feit dat die NEGP in 2011 lanseer is,met as onderbou die demokratisering en herstrukturering van die ekonomie. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat neoliberalisme ’n unieke invloed op ekonomiese beleidsformulering in Suid-Afrika gehad het, selfs al was dit nie ’n suiwer weerspieëling van hierdie denkrigting nie. Ekonomiese beleidsformulering ondergaan voortdurend verandering en aanpassing en weerspieël veranderinge in magsverskuiwinge tussen die vernaamste sosiale magte verwant aan produksie en finansies in die land. Op die retoriese vlak, skyn dit asof beleid besig is om te verander in die rigting van ’n demokratiese onwikkelings-staat en dit moet gesien word binne die konteks van die omstandighede wat gelei het tot die ontwikkeling van die HOP, GIEH en NEGP.

This study explores neoliberalism and its influence on the undergraduate Economics curricula at selected South African Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). Neoliberalism is a theory embracing political economic practices that propose that human well-being can be advanced by liberating individuals, entrepreneurial freedom and skills within an institutional framework, characterised by strong private property rights, free markets and free trade. However, little is known about the influence of neoliberalism on undergraduate Economics programmes. Researchers either criticise neoliberalism or they reserve some components of neoliberalism and concentrate on those per se. Research has revealed that, students exposed to neoliberalism have a desire for life-long learning and are in need of the following skills: analytical, social, entrepreneurial, accountability and employability skills. To survive in this forever-changing environment graduates need to be equipped with flexible skills so that they will be employable and remain employed. Neoliberalism is still accepted as the only possible economic and social order that is available to us. This is in agreement with the opinions of seasoned rulers such as Margaret Thatcher who maintains there is no alternative to neoliberalism. In support neoliberalists argue that global capitalism is promoted, because welfare states are costly, overburdened, inefficient, and incapable of eliminating poverty and are overly oriented to cash entitlements rather than empowering citizens.The importance of curriculum research and the development of the neoliberal theory motivated the researcher to undertake this study. A qualitative multiple case study design was utilised, because it is useful when not much is known about the phenomenon and when in-depth study is needed. Triangulation of data collection tools was employed in this study for validity and reliability of data. The researcher made use of document analysis and structured interviews. The data collected reveal that neoliberalism is attached to politics and that it is a higher stage of capitalism. However, there is a strong sentiment that neoliberalism has good development policies, but these policies should not be implemented as if they are one-size-fits-all. The study findings also reveal that inequality should not be blamed on neoliberalism, as the shift now should be towards how to deal with inequality and also the effects of technology, as technology is replacing human labour at an alarming rate. Pertinent aspects like cultural, environmental and religious issues should be included in the tertiary curricula. / Curriculum and Instructional Studies / D. Ed. (Curriculum Studies)

Includes bibliographical references: leaves 201-224 / South African authorities formalised their goal to pursue a developmental state with the adoption of the National Development Plan (NDP) in 2012. It is clear from the reading of the NDP that the authorities are convinced that the developmental state approach is a cause for development. The declaration to construct a developmental state is interesting at best or bizarre at worst in that developmental states are often identified by assessing their (economic) performance over a period. They hardly sought out to intentionally build developmental states. The South African governance system has implications for a quest to construct a developmental state. Whereas the literature on East Asian countries tends to focus on the role of central governments in economic development, the South African governance places a huge emphasis on cooperative governance between the three spheres of government. To this end, the constitution spells out the specific developmental objectives that must be pursued by municipalities. This essentially means that the system of cooperative governance, and the extent of effectiveness of local government, will either catalyse or impede the realisation of South African developmental state. Developmental states are often distinguished from others by their structures, roles and outcomes. Their structures and roles are developmental and are a cause for soaring outcomes. This logic was employed to analyse the nature of structures and roles in eight (8) selected municipalities over a 15-year period and how these influenced the actual policy performance. Findings that emerged from over 30 interviews with high ranking officials in various institutions and the thorough analysis of a number of documents confirm that structures and roles in municipalities are far from being developmental. The study also found that informal factors have effectively ‘juniorised’ local government as a sphere of government despite the constitution emphasising the equality of all three spheres. In the final analysis, local government is incapacitated to carry out its developmental mandate. It is against this reality of incapacitation of local government that the study argues that the performance of local government, measured against its constitutional objectives, effectively impedes the realisation of a developmental state in South Africa. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)