The left-wing terrorism in Italy in the 1970s and the Red brigades as its most significant symptom resulted in the long-term view from the fight between the partisans and the fascists in the Second World War and from the short-term view from the students' and labourers' protests in the end of 1960s. The Red brigades were founded in 1970 and were composed mainly by students from Trento (Curcio, Cagol), communists from Reggio Emilia (Franceschini, Gallinari) and labourers from Milano (Moretti). They began in the first years of their functioning with agitation in the factories, burning the cars of the high managers and kidnapping. The thesis follows gradual radicalisation of the group and the change of their aims - from this moment on mostly politicians, judges, state magistrates. The transformation of the Red brigades related to the personal changes in the leadership - after Curcio and Franceschini were arrested and Cagol killed, radical Moretti became very influential. The organisation under his leadership started to kill intentionally its victims and the wave of brutal attacks culminated in the spring 1978 in kidnapping and murder of former Prime Minister Aldo Moro. The Red brigades however became strongly socially isolated and several ideological differences among the members of the administration...

A confluência entre eventos do movimento operário e a atuação de cineastas de esquerda nos anos 1970, produziu obras importantes para o documentarismo brasileiro. Dentre elas, o filme Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), uma obra audiovisual de impacto epocal, que narrou a disputa entre três correntes ideológicas e programáticas distintas, a concorrer à presidência do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Paulo, em 1978. Ao final daquela década, a política brasileira foi surpreendida por manifestações e greves operárias de grandes proporções. As chamadas Greves das Comissões ocorreram em São Paulo, região que movimentava um dos maiores PIBs do país, em plena transição democrática. Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas é uma obra filmográfica que construiu narrativas sobre este acontecimento e período histórico. Os diretores, Roberto Gervitz e Sérgio Toledo Segall, foram convidados pela Chapa 3, a Oposição Sindical Metalúrgica de São Paulo (OSM-SP), uma das concorrentes ao pleito, para registrar o processo dessa campanha eleitoral. Durante as filmagens ocorreram as grandes greves paulistas, tanto em São Paulo, quanto na região industrial do ABC, acontecimentos que acabaram por permear a construção narrativa e a perspectiva política da obra. Nesta tese, analisamos Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas enquanto registro das atividades da Oposição Sindical. O filme foi lido como uma intervenção política e estética, que construiu uma nova representação sobre a classe operária e popular, o qual nos permitiu mapear o debate, as expectativas e os impasses político-culturais travados no campo das esquerdas nacionais. Ao mesmo tempo, analisamos problemáticas postas na obra que, de certo modo, nutriram a matriz de pensamento de uma nova esquerda emergente no país, que culminou na criação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), fundado dois anos após a realização do filme. / The confluence between worker movement events and the role played by leftist filmmakers in the 1970s, resulted in important Brazilian documentary making. The film, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), an audiovisual work of epochal impact, narrates the dispute between three ideologies and programs running for the metallurgic union in São Paulo, in 1978. At the end of that decade, Brazilian politics would be overcome with massive protests and worker strikes. The Commission Strikes happened during the democratic transition in São Paulo, the region with one of the highest GDPs in the country. The narrative plot in the film directed by Roberto Gervitz and Sérgio Toledo Segall takes place during this historical event and period. The directors were invited by Chapa 3, which represented the candidacy São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition (OSM-SP), to document their electoral campaign. During the shooting, there were big strikes in São Paulo and in the industrial ABC region, and these events shaped the narrative building and the films entire perspective. In this thesis, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines is analyzed as a report of the activities undertaken by São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition. It is analyzed as a political and aesthetic intervention that would come to create a new representation of the working class. It allowed for the mapping of the debate on expectations and political and cultural impasses, at a time the leftists were being redefined. This would all lead to the matrix of an emergent left wing and the subsequent establishment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT- Workers Party) two years after the film was produced.

A confluência entre eventos do movimento operário e a atuação de cineastas de esquerda nos anos 1970, produziu obras importantes para o documentarismo brasileiro. Dentre elas, o filme Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), uma obra audiovisual de impacto epocal, que narrou a disputa entre três correntes ideológicas e programáticas distintas, a concorrer à presidência do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Paulo, em 1978. Ao final daquela década, a política brasileira foi surpreendida por manifestações e greves operárias de grandes proporções. As chamadas Greves das Comissões ocorreram em São Paulo, região que movimentava um dos maiores PIBs do país, em plena transição democrática. Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas é uma obra filmográfica que construiu narrativas sobre este acontecimento e período histórico. Os diretores, Roberto Gervitz e Sérgio Toledo Segall, foram convidados pela Chapa 3, a Oposição Sindical Metalúrgica de São Paulo (OSM-SP), uma das concorrentes ao pleito, para registrar o processo dessa campanha eleitoral. Durante as filmagens ocorreram as grandes greves paulistas, tanto em São Paulo, quanto na região industrial do ABC, acontecimentos que acabaram por permear a construção narrativa e a perspectiva política da obra. Nesta tese, analisamos Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas enquanto registro das atividades da Oposição Sindical. O filme foi lido como uma intervenção política e estética, que construiu uma nova representação sobre a classe operária e popular, o qual nos permitiu mapear o debate, as expectativas e os impasses político-culturais travados no campo das esquerdas nacionais. Ao mesmo tempo, analisamos problemáticas postas na obra que, de certo modo, nutriram a matriz de pensamento de uma nova esquerda emergente no país, que culminou na criação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), fundado dois anos após a realização do filme. / The confluence between worker movement events and the role played by leftist filmmakers in the 1970s, resulted in important Brazilian documentary making. The film, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), an audiovisual work of epochal impact, narrates the dispute between three ideologies and programs running for the metallurgic union in São Paulo, in 1978. At the end of that decade, Brazilian politics would be overcome with massive protests and worker strikes. The Commission Strikes happened during the democratic transition in São Paulo, the region with one of the highest GDPs in the country. The narrative plot in the film directed by Roberto Gervitz and Sérgio Toledo Segall takes place during this historical event and period. The directors were invited by Chapa 3, which represented the candidacy São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition (OSM-SP), to document their electoral campaign. During the shooting, there were big strikes in São Paulo and in the industrial ABC region, and these events shaped the narrative building and the films entire perspective. In this thesis, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines is analyzed as a report of the activities undertaken by São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition. It is analyzed as a political and aesthetic intervention that would come to create a new representation of the working class. It allowed for the mapping of the debate on expectations and political and cultural impasses, at a time the leftists were being redefined. This would all lead to the matrix of an emergent left wing and the subsequent establishment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT- Workers Party) two years after the film was produced.

This dissertation explores the central paradox of Mexico's foreign relations with Cuba and the United States in the decade following the Cuban Revolution--why did a government that cooperated with the CIA and practiced conservative domestic policies defend Castro's communist regime? It uses new sources to prove that historians' previous focus on the foreign and ideological influences on Mexico's relations with Cuba was misplaced, and that the most important factor was fear of the domestic Left. It argues that Mexican leaders capitalized upon their country's "special relationship" with Castro as part of their efforts to maintain control over restive leftist sectors of the Mexican population. This project uses new sources to illuminate how perceptions of threat shaped Mexico's foreign and domestic politics. In 2002, the Mexican government declassified the records of the two most important intelligence organizations--the Department of Federal Security and the Department of Political and Social Investigations. The files contain the information that Mexico's presidents received about potential dangers to their regime. They reveal that Mexican leaders overestimated the centralization, organization, and coordination of leftist groups, and in so doing gave them more influence over policy than their actual numbers or resources logically should have afforded. The dissertation uses the concept of threat perception as an analytic and organizational tool. Each chapter considers a different potential source of danger to the Mexican regime in the context of the Cold War and the country's relations with Cuba. For the sake of clarity, it breaks the threats into the categories of individual, national, and international, even though these subjective categories may blend into one another throughout the course of the analysis. The first chapter begins with an individual threat: Lázaro Cárdenas, a powerful former president who became one of Fidel Castro's most dedicated supporters. The next three chapters analyze threats on the national level by looking at the domestic groups that Mexican leaders perceived to be the greatest dangers to their regime. The final two chapters move to the international level and examine the roles of Cuba and the United States. As a whole, this study of the connections between Mexico's foreign and domestic politics makes a significant and timely contribution to the historiographies of modern Mexico, U.S.-Latin American relations, and the Cold War. / text

The topic of the diploma thesis is a comparison of the old and new left in the Czech Republic. The diploma thesis focuses on a comparison of the selected relevant left-wing political groups operating in the Czech Republic. The thesis examines differences and similarities between the KSČM, the socialist wing of ČSSD on one side and the Green Party and the left-liberal tendencies and offshoots of the ČSSD (such Idealists) on the other hand. The work is divided into three main parts. The first part of the thesis is theoretical. The theoretical part defines main terms such as a political party, political movement, left-right axis of the political spectrum, the old left, the new left etc. The explanation of the terms is very important for understanding the thesis. In the second part of this thesis, I analyze single significant and relevant political parties. I focus on the origin and development of political parties and their electoral program, their attitude to selected issues, electorate, potential cooperation between themselves and so on. The third part is comparative. The goal of this thesis is to find out whether the analyzed political parties fulfill leftist characteristic. Next goal of this thesis is to find out whether the classification on left-right axis of the political spectrum is still...

The 1960s counterculture had a huge impact on American society and questioned many of the American values in order to replace them with their own ideas. Even thought the first trace of youth's revolt against the older generation appeared in the 1950s, it was in the 1960s when the young generation fully rose up and started to fight for their goals. The 1960s counterculture can be divided into two parts, the New Left and the hippies, which both comprised of many different groups and organizations, among them for example the Black Panthers, the Weatherman, Students for a Democratic Society or Vietnam Veterans Against the War. These organizations engaged in many different issues like a civil rights movement or an antiwar movement. The tool for spreading countercultural values was an art - until nowadays countercultural impact is still visible especially in music. Even thought the countercultural movement gradually became radical and in the end of the 1960s split up, its impact on American society is undeniable in some issues such as drug use, perception of sexuality or questioning authorities.

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COSTA, Henri Randel. Eleição é tapeação: luta armada é a solução: leituras, experiências e construção do consensus bellicu na nova esquerda marxista cearense (1962-1976). 2009. 197 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2009. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-25T15:38:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_Dis_HRCosta.pdf: 1211353 bytes, checksum: 508fda35aaf6b53b36fe7b204e82a9b7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-06-25T16:19:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_Dis_HRCosta.pdf: 1211353 bytes, checksum: 508fda35aaf6b53b36fe7b204e82a9b7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-25T16:19:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_Dis_HRCosta.pdf: 1211353 bytes, checksum: 508fda35aaf6b53b36fe7b204e82a9b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / This dissertation deals with the political action of some historical subjects than in the late sixties and early seventies of last century, concluded that armed struggle would be the most rational and feasible to address civil-military dictatorship imposed on the country 1964, even if taking other possibilities of opposition to the capitalists and their authoritarian system. In this sense, the understanding of this extreme option, members were privileged and two niches, the readings written committed before and during the armed conflict, as well as the multiple experiences of the rebels, from childhood until the ultimate episodes of strife. Completing this picture, the work also highlights the emergence of a New Left Marxist, a world both locally and nationally, and internationally, marked by the optics of the Cold War. / Esta dissertação de mestrado versa sobre a ação política de alguns sujeitos históricos que no final dos anos sessenta e início dos setenta do século passado, concluíram que a luta armada seria o método mais racional e viável para enfrentar a ditadura civil-militar imposta ao país em 1964, mesmo se tendo outras possibilidades de oposição aos capitalistas e ao seu sistema autoritário. Neste sentido, para o entendimento desta opção extremada, foram privilegiados e associados dois nichos, as leituras escritas efetivadas antes e durante o conflito bélico, assim como às múltiplas vivências dos guerrilheiros, da infância até os derradeiros episódios da contenda. Completando este quadro o trabalho ainda destaca a emergência de uma Nova Esquerda marxista, num mundo, tanto ao nível local e nacional, como internacional, marcado pela ótica da Guerra Fria.

Barbora Skálová Whose side are you on? Radical Left in postwar Finland - on the phenomenon of Marxism-Leninism outside the Eastern Bloc Abstract The dissertation aims to explore the phenomenon of a radical left movement - Taistoists - which at the turn of the 60s and 70s for a short period of time dominated the student and cultural circles in Finland. The dissertation strives to shed light on the reasons for the uprise of the - in European context unique - pro-Soviet, Marxist-Leninist and "anti-anti- establishment" youth movement, and on its influence on home and foreign policy of Finland in terms of so-called Finlandization. The work also puts the movement into the Czechoslovakian context, mainly in relation to the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion. The dissertation discusses the theoretical anticapitalistic background of the movement and compares it to the theoretical background and political practice of coeval New Left movements in Europe and the USA. The experience of the members of the movement has been elaborated in the oral history part based on personal interviews. The oral history chapter aims to offer an explanation and a broader perspective of the taistolaiset phenomenon presented by direct witnesses and participants of the movement.

The dissertation thesis concerns with the issue of the left-wing terrorism in Italy and Federal Republic of Germany in the 1970s. The chosen topic is approached using the methods of transnational studies, which have been thus far applied only exceptionally in the relation to this phenomenon, despite the numerous parallels in different countries. The focus of the research lies in the analysis of the German-Italian terrorist network as a whole, the contacts between the organizations and mutual influence. The direct and indirect comparison of the cooperating terrorist organizations is also a substantial part of the thesis. The protest movement, which spread at the end of the 1960s and from which emerged the future terrorist groups as its most radical branches, was an important transnational phenomenon itself. The first chapter concerns with the analysis of this movement, emphasizing the reasons of its inception and its stances on political violence. The student and worker aspects of the movement are introduced, as well as older roots in the anti-fascist resistance or in the work of the Marxist authors. The thesis finds a special inspiration for the radicalizing Left in the events in the Third World. The thesis further examines the individual terrorist groups, chosen according to their importance and relevance...