While the virtues of social capital in democracies are widely recognized, previous studies have repeatedly shown that social capital is in short supply in heterogeneous communities with ethnic minorities. Against the view that levels of social capital are culturally predetermined, I argue that it is possible to generate social capital by carefully formulating political institutions. Drawing from theories of institutional management of ethnic conflict and theories of institutional learning, I construct an integrated theory of social capital which hypothesizes that citizens learn to trust one another based on their experiences with political institutions during an extended period of democratic rule. To test this integrated model of social capital, I use a probit analysis to examine how democratic longevity in different institutional settings (e.g., majoritarian vs. consensus) influences social capital. To overcome the endogeneity problem that exists between social capital and democratic longevity, I adopt an instrumental variables approach, drawing on theories in international relations. My analysis of World Values Survey data yields three main conclusions concerning the institutional arrangements that foster social capital. First, I find that democratic longevity fosters higher levels of trust in countries with consensus institutions containing powersharing arrangements through cabinets, executive-legislative balances, party systems, and electoral systemspresumably because cooperation among different groups enhances social capital. Second, a longer period of democratic rule in highly federal institutions undermines trust, as the devolution of powers through territorial units is thought to fragment the political system and society. Finally, consistent with the theoretical expectations, I find that these two conclusions hold only among ethnic minorities. Among ethnic majorities, the effect of democratic longevity disappears once we purge the endogenous component (i.e., the effect of social capital on democratic longevity), using an instrumental variables approach. Case studies of the Baltic States, the Canadian province of Quebec, and Malaysia corroborated the findings from the statistical analyses. By uncovering a mechanism through which social capital can be generated in multiethnic states, this study makes an important contribution to the literature.

The aim of this paper is to examine Serbia’s democratic consolidation in the judiciary and public and state administration, as well as the  role of European Union and EU conditionality in this process. This paper discusses the democratic consolidation in the judiciary and public and state administration of Serbia between the years 2000 and 2010, the role of the EU in this process, and the effects of EU conditionality in these two areas. The theories applied are Linz’s theory of inter-relating arenas of consolidated democracies, and Whitehead’s international dimensions of democratisation. This paper is based on the method of qualitative study and through extensive reading and research, it has come to the conclusion that the judiciary and public and state administration between 2000 and 2010 have seen some improvement. However, democratic progress has been very slow due to remains from Slobodan Milosevic’s regime and communism. The EU, as one of the major actors in the region, has through various projects, agreements, cooperation, and conditionality, brought about improvements in the judiciary and public and state administration. Yet, EU involvement and conditionality have not had great democratic effects; they have been significantly slowed down by inefficiency, low professionalism and corruption.

This thesis explores the tensions between constitutional forms of democracy and the practice-based understanding of democracy found among ancient Greek and recent post-structural theorists. In drawing from Plato’s discussion of the constitutions of varying political regimes, this thesis hones in on his assertion that the democratic city does not have a single constitution due to the freedom of its citizens. Contemporary understandings of democracy, such as deliberative democratic theory, have largely overlooked the kind of power embodied in democracy by focusing attention on deepening the forms of participation in existing practices of government. By drawing from a practice-based understanding of democracy, this thesis responds to the problems of exclusion produced by statist accounts of democracy. Taking the example of First Nations in Canada, the thesis asks whether new forms of protest, such as Idle No More, embody the spirit of democratic practice outlined by the ancient Greeks. / Graduate

Most of what we know of the socioecology and behaviour of gorillas comes from studies of mountain gorillas (Gorilla beringei beringei), despite their representing less than 1% of all gorillas in the wild. Western lowland gorillas (Gorilla gorilla gorilla) have received far less research effort, and difficulties in habituation have led previous studies to rely heavily on indirect trail evidence. This has prevented any in-depth comparison of social structure and behaviour between species. The discovery of swampy clearings frequented by western lowland gorillas in northern Congo has offered the first opportunity to obtain accurate demographic and behavioural data. This thesis reports on 6273 hours of observer presence at Mbeli Bai, which yielded 1681 hours of direct gorilla observation. Most data come from a population of 13 groups and 7 solitary silverbacks. Group size ranged from 2 to 16 (mean = 8.4, SD 4.3) which does not differ significantly from data published on most other populations. Female natal and secondary transfer were recorded, and male emigration from the natal group appeared universal (no multi-silverback groups were recorded). No evidence of sub-grouping or a fission-fusion grouping pattern was found. During intra-group interactions, no evidence was recorded of female philopatry, and silverbacks herded and intimidated females (especially new immigrants) to prevent emigration. Inter-unit interactions took place on only 42% of shared bai-use occasions, and levels of silverback agonism were much lower than in mountain gorillas, with peaceful mingling of groups recorded. Display behaviour was common, and two previously unrecorded agonistic displays (the splash display and the crest display) are described. No contact aggression between silverbacks was observed but evidence of wounding sustained in the forest suggests that the bai environment may inhibit such aggression. High visibility and the ease of silverback 'policing' are thought to create an unusually tolerant social dynamic, and as such, frequencies of certain social behaviours should probably be viewed as site-specific. The thesis offers the fullest account of western gorilla social structure and behaviour to date. Long-term monitoring of life history variables, if continued, will provide an unparalleled opportunity to understand the effects of habitat and food availability and more stochastic influences on western gorilla social structure, fitness, and survival.

Controversy, as a vital principle of democracy, plays a central role in education for critical democratic global citizenship. Controversial issues, however, raise pedagogical challenges for teachers in that they are not only explicitly political, but also potentially threatening to the reproduction of status quo ideals and embedded national narratives – themselves keystones of citizenship education. The findings from this dissertation study report survey data on teachers’ attitudes toward teaching controversial issues from 202 Canadian teachers, as well as findings from interviews conducted with 16 Alberta teachers about how their multiple identities, and those of their students, intersect with their attitudes toward teaching controversial issues. The findings are discussed against indicators of critical democratic global citizenship education (CDGCE) which I advance in the thesis following from my investigation into the relationship between critical theory of a) democracy, b) globalization, and c) education. I engage the findings through the lens of critique and possibility and the reproduction and interruption of hegemonic discourse. Read through this lens, I found that hegemonic discourses of neutrality and universalism are being both reproduced and interrupted in complex ways that do affirm, but mostly refute, the promise of education for deepening democracy under conditions of globalization. Discourses of neutrality and universalism are being reproduced through insidious practices that affirm difference-blind and blank slate ideals and these need responding to. These have implications for how students in Canadian classrooms may be being prepared for critical democratic global citizenship education. Despite the misguided emphasis on the danger of teachers’ expressing extreme views in dominant discourses of education that question the place of controversial issues in school, I argue that the greater threat to deepening democracy is not teachers who express extreme views; it is curriculum and teachers who do not question familiar ones. In turn, I call for critical discursive and reflexive practices for teaching and learning with controversial issues that foreground identity, difference, and feelings as explicit material for learning. Finally, I delineate specific recommendations that are crucial responses for realizing the promise of education for deepening democracy under conditions of globalization.

Despite calls for concerted, two-way engagement and for the development of reciprocal partnerships between institutions of higher education (IHE's) and their communities, IHE's continue to implement a disparate menu of activities that prove largely ineffective at addressing society's most challenging social and environmental problems. A relatively new conception of engagement lays out a framework by which IHE's engage with communities in democratic ways. Democratic engagement values inclusive, reciprocal problem-oriented work that brings together university and community stakeholders as co-generators of knowledge and solutions. The resulting democratically engaged partnerships position diverse members to take on roles as collaborators and problem solvers. They are mutually transformed through the processes of reciprocation, power diffusion, and knowledge generation. <br>How these democratically oriented roles and processes emerge and come to be enacted is unknown. Neither the literature on democratic engagement nor that on community-university partnerships addresses this gap. This dissertation study purposefully selected a case of community-university partnership that has a high degree of democratic engagement. Through interviews, observation, and document review, qualitative evidence was collected of the ways in which the roles and processes of democratically engaged partnerships emerged and were enacted. Atlas.ti 6.2 was used to code and retrieve themes related to democratic and technocratic engagement, stakeholder roles and processes, and the emergence and application of roles and processes. <br>Understanding how democratically oriented roles and processes emerge and are adopted is critical to building democratically engaged partnerships that support systems of democratic engagement. If we do not know how to be democratic within our partnerships, and if we cannot teach others, we will not be able to answer the calls for more purposeful, reciprocal engagement with our communities. / School of Education / Interdisciplinary Doctoral Program for Education Leaders (IDPEL) / EdD / Dissertation

‘Education as democracy’ is based upon a belief that children have the right to equity in their educational experiences. To honour this right, those who implement this educational philosophy use democratic values and practices to democratise the process and content of education. Although advocates cite a number of benefits for both individual children and the school community, there is a lack of empirical research on this topic, especially in the field of early childhood education. / This qualitative study contributes to filling this gap by examining four Australian kindergarten teachers’ beliefs, knowledge, practices, influences, and challenges about implementing this philosophy in their classrooms. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews, direct classroom observations, and document analysis. The participants were considered one cohort, and across-case analysis and triangulation of the three data sources uncovered common themes and patterns in the data. Findings suggest that there are both similarities and variations among the participants’ beliefs, knowledge, and practices, as well as among the influences and challenges they have experienced. Identified similarities include the participants’ levels of motivation, categories of teacher practice, types of influencing factors, and the presence of challenges. Conversely, the participants showed variation regarding their beliefs and knowledge, the use of some specific classroom practices, and selected influences and challenges. / This study makes a significant contribution to the current knowledge base due to its clarification of how this democratic educational philosophy can be practically implemented in early childhood classrooms, and its implications for early childhood practice and policy. Regarding the initial training of early childhood teachers, the findings suggest that professional benefits may occur if training programs explicitly introduced this philosophy to trainees. Additionally, the findings imply that early childhood policies that enhance supporting conditions and lessen challenges experienced by teachers implementing ‘education as democracy’ can have positive benefits for all teachers.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 263-282).

Thesis (M.A. (Human Rights))--Mahidol University, 2005. / LICL has E-Thesis 0007 ; please contact computer services.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of North Texas, Dec., 2007. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.