A crítica de Habermas à União Europeia no que concerne seu processo político de integração é de inegável importância na contribuição tanto do pensamento habermasiano quanto dos estudos europeus. Partindo-se desta premissa, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo abordar cronologicamente toda a reflexão do filósofo a fim de apresentar suas críticas nos momentos cruciais do bloco. Inicialmente, analisa-se o diagnóstico do autor do paradigma sistêmico no período de formação da união política, e sua resposta aos desafios do bloco à época: o patriotismo constitucional. Segue-se com os momentos da discussão do Tratado Constitucional e a inflexão da crítica habermasiana ao introduzir o conceito de solidariedade como perspectiva para as turbulências vividas pela União Europeia. Por fim, trata-se da crítica mais recente do filósofo com relação à atual estrutura política, firmada em Lisboa. Sua narrativa da juridificação democrática elucida como arquitetar uma teoria democrática transnacional que atenda às deficiências que o projeto de integração revelou. Ao final será esclarecido como Habermas enxerga as saídas da legitimidade democrática ao longo da integração europeia, sempre acompanhando o diagnóstico do autor seguido de suas respostas. / Habermas\'s criticism of the European Union (EU) in what regards its political process of integration is of undeniable importance in the contribution for both Habermas and European studies. In this regard, the present work aims to address chronologically the considerations of the philosopher in order to present his point of views regarding crucial moments of the EU development. Initially, we analyze Habermass diagnosis of a systemic paradigm within the period of the EUs political union formation, followed by his response to the challenges of the organization at the time, giving rise to the concept of constitutional patriotism. The work continues with the period of the discussion of the Constitutional Treaty and the turning point of the Habermasian critique by introducing the notion of solidarity as a perspective for the turbulences experienced by the EU. Finally, we turn to the author\'s more recent critique of the current political structure, established by the Lisbon Treaty. His narrative of democratic juridification elucidates how to architect a transnational democratic theory that meets the deficiencies that the integration project revealed. Finally it will be clarified how Habermas may explain possible perspectives for democratic legitimacy throughout European integration, always through the diagnosis made by the author, followed by his answers to the given problem.

Orientador: Candido Giraldez Vieitez / Banca: Neusa Dal Ri / Banca: Maria Regina Clivate Capelo / Resumo: O presente estudo tem como propósito contribuir para a compreensão e o possível aprimoramento do trabalho pedagógico desenvolvido pelo Supervisor Escolar, diante do novo paradigma de organização presente no processo educativo intitulado Gestão Democrática do ensino público. A reflexão acerca de suas reais atribuições poderá contribuir para uma re-significação de sua identidade, visto que sua ação atualmente encontra-se permeada por questionamentos e conflitos. Dentre os elementos que confluem para que a atual situação se mantenha, como um processo em curso, destaca-se a sobrevivência das concepções de Supervisão que vigoraram no período administrativo anterior à década de 1980. Outro interveniente encontra-se ligado à implementação da Gestão Democrática que na prática administrativa e pedagógica transcorre com diversos tipos de dificuldades limitativas. Os participantes desta pesquisa, constituíram-se de Pedagogos responsáveis pela coordenação pedagógica, atuantes em colégios da rede estadual de ensino de Londrina. Esses profissionais, organizam o trabalho pedagógico da escola, com intuito de atender turmas do ensino fundamental e médio, diurno e noturno, além de procurar atender os demais membros que compõem a comunidade escolar. A investigação foi realizada de acordo com o paradigma qualitativo, sendo que a metodologia utilizada teve como referência a observação participante, por ser considerada a melhor opção para focalizar os objetivos desta pesquisa. Os resultados da investigação apontaram para uma nova visão das práticas do Pedagogo Supervisor no espaço escolar, a partir de uma intervenção conceituada na ação coletiva. / Abstract: The present study has as purpose to contribute for the understanding and improvement of the pedagogic work developed by the School Supervisor, in the face of the new educational paradigm entitled Democratic Administration of the public teaching. The discussion about your obligations will contribute to appear a new identity. Among the elements that converge to stagnate the current situation stands the survival of the conceptions of Supervision previous to the eighty's decade. Besides, other important factor is linked to the implantation of the Democratic Administration that, in practice, elapses limitedly. The participants of this research had been constituted of Educators responsible by the pedagogic coordination of Londrina's schools. The investigation was accomplished in agreement with the qualitative paradigm. The used methodology had as reference the participant observation, wich is considered the best option to find the results stipulated by the research objectives. The results of the investigation appeared for a new vision of Educator Supervisor's practices in the school space, starting from an intervention based in the collective action. / Mestre

This thesis examines the transformation of the Kurdish national struggle in Turkey from a political movement to a social movement. The Thesis will argue that the Kurdish national struggle during the Twentieth Century in Turkey was largely a failure, and that the emergence of the Unions of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) has been a direct and concrete response to this failure. The thesis will track how the KCK has transformed a one-dimensional political nationalist struggle into a multi-dimensional one, including politics, culture and society for the Kurds living in Turkey. The focus here will be on the period from March 2005, when the KCK was established, until July 2011 when the KCK announced its Democratic Autonomy project. In order to explain how and why the KCK has emerged, the Thesis takes an approach based on social movement theories to analyse the KCK as a social and cultural nationalist movement that deploys various approaches and techniques. The KCK is shown to take this new and more popular and successful tact through a comparison of the discourse surrounding the Kurdish national struggle before and after the establishment of the KCK. The ‘new discourse’ of multi-dimensional struggle is, in particular, compared with the old unadulterated discourse of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), which was a straight reaction to the Turkish state policy towards the Kurds and their struggle. The analysis of this process is accomplished through an examination of numerous contemporary resources such as the PKK and the KCK policies and literatures, government intelligence reports, books, journals, and through conducting tens of qualitative interviews alongside comprehensive observation during my fieldwork for this thesis. Ultimately, the Thesis will argue that the transformation of discourse for the KCK from the PKK is evident in its “Democratic Autonomy model”. The KCK proposes this model as an alternative to the nation state model in Turkey.

Este trabalho teve como objetivo analisar a estrutura de gestão da/na Educação Infantil em um município no interior paulista. Identificou-se, por meio dos dados construídos previamente pela pesquisa mais ampla realizada pelo Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisa de Políticas Educacionais para a Infância (GEPPEI) que abrange estudos em doze municípios pertencentes à microrregião do Estado de São Paulo, que o município em questão apresentava uma organização da estrutura de gestão da Educação Infantil bem diferenciada do convencional em que geralmente há um diretor e/ou coordenador por unidade. Esses dados prévios revelaram que no município E (preservação da identificação) havia uma divisão de unidades por diretoras que funcionava em sistema rotativo de visitas a essas unidades, tendo em vista que não poderiam estar em todas ao mesmo tempo e também sem a permanência em uma única unidade. Realizou-se uma pesquisa empírica, em uma abordagem qualitativa por meio de estudo de caso. Na primeira etapa do estudo, acompanhou-se quatro unidades, sendo duas creches e duas pré-escolas com o intuito de observar as práticas desenvolvidas por essas unidades, tendo em vista a não permanência das diretoras. Para a construção do texto final desta dissertação, percebeu-se a necessidade de concentrar as análises dos dados construídos em uma etapa da Educação Infantil, sendo assim optamos pelas creches. Tais dados foram construídos por meio de observações participantes, com a anotação em caderno de campo acerca das vivências acompanhadas. Em razão deste recorte da pesquisa, na segunda etapa do estudo, as entrevistas semiestruturadas foram realizadas nas duas creches com as famílias, professoras, funcionárias e diretora dessas duas unidades. As entrevistas também aconteceram no âmbito da Secretaria Municipal de Educação (SME) com a Secretária de Educação e Superintendente Administrativo da Educação. As análises dos dados construídos ao longo deste estudo revelaram que a creche, cuja diretora não estava presente diariamente, contava com uma funcionária da sua confiança que desempenhava, além das atividades previstas para a sua função, resolvia situações do cotidiano da unidade, mas recorrendo à diretora sempre que necessário. Tanto no caso da creche em que a diretora não estava presente diariamente quanto na que ela permanecia, foram observadas determinadas situações de desrespeito aos diretos das crianças. No segundo caso, não foram observadas intervenções por parte da diretora em relação às situações de desrespeito. Com base no referencial teórico utilizado acerca do princípio da gestão democrática e a especificidade do trabalho desenvolvido na Educação Infantil, foi possível concluir, por meio deste estudo, que os objetivos educacionais desta etapa eram pouco compreendidos mesmo entre os gestores da própria SME. Tal evidência interferia, consequentemente, na qualidade do trabalho desenvolvido nas creches observadas, independentemente da presença da diretora. Dessa forma, concluímos que a presença da diretora não representava a garantia dos direitos fundamentais das crianças, haja vista a forma de provimento do seu cargo - indicação do poder executivo - repercutindo assim em uma atuação fragilizada nas unidades que eram de sua responsabilidade. Quanto à gestão da SME, havia uma postura hierárquica, em que a gestão das unidades de Educação Infantil era tratada somente no âmbito da Secretaria e às diretoras cabia a execução dessas decisões nas unidades. / The aim of this study was to analyse the management structure of Primary Education in a city located in the state of Sao Paulo. Previous data acquired from a more comprehensive research performed by the Research and Study of Political Education in Early Childhood Group (GEPPEI) addressing twelve cities in Sao Paulo micro region showed that the considered city has an organizational Primary Education management structure that differs from the conventional hierarchy. Conventionally, each school would have a designated Head teacher or School coordinator. The analysed data showed that city E (identity preserved) had the institutions divided by Head teachers, working in a rotation system between schools rather than remaining in one school. Under this prism, further qualitative research based on a case study was performed. Two important points were considered when the field research started, the established relationship with the Head teachers that was comparable to the institutions denominated as matrix where the Head teacher remained in one school on a daily basis, and on the opposite side, the institutions denominated non-matrix had non-effective presence of the Head teacher. Consequently, this observation was important to outline the tools for data acquisition as well as to decide upon the institutions to be studied. Initially, four institutions were observed, two matrix (nursery and preschool) and two non-matrix (nursery and preschool). In addition to the participant observation (based on field notebook records of observed experiences), documental analysis and semi-structured interviews were also applied as a tool for data acquisition. It was identified from the field observation that each non-matrix institution had a trusted employee that tried to solve daily issues for their Head teacher, remaining still linked to the school direction. Conversely, even with the effective daily presence of the Head teacher at the matrix institution, it was observed that childrens rights were not being respected in certain situations, upon which the Head teachers did not take a position. The data acquisition at the matrix and non-matrix nursery was focused on family members, teachers and head teacher interviews. Moreover, interviews under the scope of Municipal Secretary of Education (SME) were performed with the Secretary of Education and the Administrative Superintendent of Primary Education. The principle of democratic management and specificity of work in Primary Education were the theoretical approach used on this study and from what was possible to conclude that the educational objectives are still misunderstood even by the SME, which directly interferes on teaching practice development in the institution, regardless of the Head teachers effective presence. Therefore, the educational aims are not clear, and the management facing its democratic status will remain damaged as well as the education provided to the children.

Dans le système politique d‟un État, le rôle que joue la haute fonction publique constitue une problématique centrale, en ce que l‟efficacité de l‟action gouvernementale et la réalisation du principe démocratique en dépendent. À partir des années 1990, la haute administration japonaise fut la cible de critiques fustigeant ses échecs et son autonomie jugée excessive vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique élu. Aussi, au début des années 2000, plusieurs réformes inspirées du courant de la nouvelle gestion publique furent mises en oeuvre, afin notamment de renforcer le leadership des responsables politiques et leur contrôle sur les hauts fonctionnaires. Notre travail examine ces réformes et analyse les évolutions perçues dans le processus décisionnel et les relations politico-administratives au cours de ces quinze dernières années, en prenant soin de nous défaire de la grille de lecture simpliste opposant les élus aux agents de la fonction publique. L‟étude approfondie du gouvernement Koizumi (2001-2006) et du passage au pouvoir du Parti démocrate (2009-2012), qui révèle des transformations de nature incrémentale, mais également la persistance de certaines pratiques, nous amène à envisager d‟autres variables explicatives que le simple changement institutionnel. Pour ce faire, nous faisons appel aux outils théoriques proposés par les divers courants néo-institutionnalistes, insistant sur le poids du passé et l‟influence des différentes idées partagées par les acteurs. Nous nous basons sur un important corpus de sources primaires et secondaires, notamment en langue japonaise, sur des données quantitatives, ainsi que sur plusieurs entretiens réalisés auprès de hauts fonctionnaires japonais. / In a State's political system, the role that the bureaucracy plays constitute a central issue, as the efficiency of the government's policies and the realization of the democratic principle are at stake. From the 1990's on, the bureaucracy has suffered a lot of criticisms blaming its failures and its allegedly excessive autonomy from the elected political power. Thus, at the beginning of the 21st century, many reforms inspired by the New Public Management movement were implemented, in order to – among other things – reinforce the political leadership and control over the senior civil servants. Our work examines these reforms and analyses the evolutions perceived in the decision-making process and in the politico-administrative relations during the last fifteen years, while rejecting the oversimplifying approach that necessarily brings in opposition elected politicians and civil servants. The case studies of the government Koizumi (2001-2006) and the Democratic Party of Japan‟s governments (2009-2012), which revealed incremental transformations but also the persistence of some pre-existing practices, invite us to consider other explanatory variables than the mere institutional change. In order to do so, we use theoretical tools created by the multiple neo-institutionalisms, insisting on the „weight of the past‟ and on the influence of the different ideas shared by the actors. We base our work on a corpus of primary and secondary sources, especially written in Japanese, on quantitative data, and also on some interviews conducted with Japanese senior civil servants.

This thesis argues that the 1938 Kentucky Democratic primary was a critical moment for the New Deal and the Democratic Party. Furthermore, it demonstrates the fractures forming within the southern wing of the party. Through this primary the paper examines peoples’ perceptions of a changing democracy. One that they believed included a much more powerful president and meddling bureaucracy. It details the major points of the campaign, including Franklin Roosevelt’s visit to the state the famous poisoning accusations, and the corruption within the Works Progress Administration.

Deliberative democratic theory proposes an active citizenry that becomes empowered by discussing and taking and active part in politics. There is a large gap between theory and practice in the deliberative democratic literature. Namely, while many scholars have theorized why deliberative democracy can be considered normatively desirable, fewer studies have measured whether the benefits gained from deliberation are plausible. Almost all of the major empirical studies in the literature involve either quasi-experimental designs or fieldwork. As such, it becomes difficult to tell whether or not deliberation does produce benefits for individuals, and if so, how durable these gains are. This doctoral dissertation project explores the individual benefits of deliberation by defining, describing and defending the desirability of the more commonly cited benefits. This is followed by a full experimental set-up that includes one control group and three different treatment groups that participate in different forms of deliberation. The treatment groups include: a group that only watches deliberation, a group that participates in a non-hierarchical and informal discussion, and a group that participates in a rigorously-moderated and highly structured deliberation. The hypotheses indicate that different treatment conditions will have different effects on the existence and magnitude of the two types of individual benefits: civic and educative.

The democratic peace theory proposes that democratic states are less likely to go to war with each other, but will go to war with nondemocratic states, and usually win. This is a theory that has generated much controversy. There is no denial that peace exists between democracies, but the controversies arise over why. The twenty-first century has seen a rise in China (an autocratic state) and its struggle to obtain a presence on the world stage and equality with the United States (a democratic state). There has not been a militarized dispute between them and they report billions of dollars in trade each year. Which begs the question, how has the United States-China trade relationship challenged the democratic peace theory? To answer this question a thorough review of the democratic peace theory becomes necessary as an aim to introducing the theory and reviewing the literature advanced by democratic peace theorists. A discussion of the theory's origins, central features, limits and its critics is presented. The opening of China and its economy in relationship with the United States is analyzed to show how trade interdependence has meant closer and increased trade. I argue that the United States-China relationship, which addresses the peaceful constraints of economic interdependence, can reveal important limits of the democratic peace theory. The method chosen to examine the argument is based on a case study of the peaceful relationship between the United States and China. The selected cases provide trade data to assess the magnitude of trade interdependence between them. Concluding that the theory is limited in that it fails to address the influence of trade interdependence as a better explanation for peace, and not democratic processes.

No description available.

Over recent decades, civil wars in Africa have taken millions of lives and caused widespread destruction of whole states and regions. The living standards of peoples residing in such states in Africa which have been devastated by war are often deplorable, with violence, disease and poverty characterising life there. Lawlessness is another feature of such wars, making these states optimal places for international terrorist groups to operate in, and from. For both the above reasons, the West should not turn a blind eye to this issue. These wars that have occurred in a number of African states, including Rwanda, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sudan, have often become regionalised with surrounding states increasingly becoming involved. This is particularly the case when economic gain can be sought through involvement in the civil war. The introduction of regional actors into domestic civil wars frequently serves to intensify and prolong the conflict, through an increase of arms and troops entering the fighting. The surrounding state actors largely claim to be involved for political reasons, namely to provide security to their own state. However, numerous credible reports have shown that vast plundering of natural resources has been carried out in war-time by surrounding states in the war-torn state. Consequently, this thesis examines the motives of surrounding state actors when deciding to participate in domestic civil wars of their neighbours. To do this, I compile case studies on both Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo since both states had been ravaged by violent and drawn-out civil wars involving regional actors. Furthermore, the regional actors in both cases (Liberia in Sierra Leone, and particularly Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe in the DRC) have been accused of participating in the wars for economic gain. The case studies showed that while political motivations largely drive the initial decision by regional actors to participate in civil wars in their region, it is subsequently economic gain that both allows and compels them to continue their involvement in the civil war. Henceforth, in the final chapter, I put investigate policy suggestions for the future including: prevention of resources being used to fuel warfare through controlling their access to legitimate channels; the use of aid to reduce the likelihood of those in poverty turning to war in pursuit of sustenance, including opportunities to target aid and use compliance with particular peace agreements as a prerequisite for attaining the funding; diversification of the economies of these weak states through development assistance to reduce risks produced by a high dependency on primary commodity exports for income and financial sanctions in the form of freezing of assets or asset blocking. These policy suggestions seek to address both the political and economic motivations of the surrounding state actors in participating in civil wars in Africa.