Community Schools in Saskatchewan offer tremendous potential for building and sustaining democratic communities. This potential is based on what is intended to be the participatory and inclusive nature of these schools. Notions of inclusion at the root of community school orientations to foster well-being emerged from a social-democratic tradition within education and have been explored to differing extents by educational, political, and social theorists. To date, few researchers have examined staff perceptions of inclusion, given the broad and nuanced definition of social inclusion I use here. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the perceptions of these individuals so critically positioned to impact the lives of children, youth and their families, and to frame them in a socio-political and critical theoretical context. In doing so, I focus on the relationship between community school policy and practice in Saskatchewan, examining inclusive processes in community schools, and applying a critical theoretical perspective that accounts for complex and dynamic trends within these schools. Using Habermass critical theory of society, I argue that both functional and communicative rationalization can be seen as converging in the body of community education literature, although functional rationalization is the more predominant, or colonizing, feature. This colonization subsequently leads to legitimation and motivation crises in Community Schooling in Saskatchewan, which can be seen in the low levels of participation of families and community members into school activities. Despite the challenges Community Schools are currently facing, I conclude there is room and opportunity for change at the school level, where stakeholders come together to reach common goals, and live out, at the local level, the ideals of community schooling.

This research was conducted from an anthropology narrative approach and based on semistructured conversation interviews with four Thai women who owned their own businesses and therefore were in a leadership position. The purpose was to get a picture of women leadership in the working life in Thailand. Focus was to find characteristics in their leadership, in the way they became leaders, their forces, how they thought of their leadership and which attitudes they met from society. This was analysed using the theory from Hofstede with five dimensions on cultures and also from democratic and authoritarian leadership. The result showed both similarities and differences. Similarities, such as the respondents being strong, hard working women running a family business and mostly using a democratic leadership and were forced to stand by themselves at the same time as they cared a lot about relations. It appeared that the Thai society was changing; there the women got a more prominent role in the working life, which embodied a more feminine culture with smaller power distances.

Abstract The purpose of my study was to examine how four social studies teachers in upper secondary school interprets the democratic educational mission and core values, and if they believe that the same values are tools to influence the students' democratic approach and if they think it is possible. It is also the study's minor purpose to make an analysis of my findings and previous research in the area to explain any similarities or differences in the social studies teacher's interpretation and practice of the democratic educational mission and core values. I used qualitative semi-structured interviews as a method in which the interview questions were based on my research questions. The two criteria I had for my sample of respondents was that there would be social studies teacher at a upper secondary school and that I wanted to have two of each sex. Their interpretation and how they think they practice the democratic educational mission and core values are similar. They highlight the importance of students who dare to say what they think, everyone should be treated equally and that they should prepare students for life in a democratic society. They also thought that they could influence students democratic approach but that there were other factors that weighed heavily, for example, the home environment. The answers from my study is similar to previous research. This I explained with the help of Dewey that the social studies teachers are democrats in one way or the other, because of that they possess a willingness to keep democracy and know how it works. Therefore, they convey similar democratic values and knowledge to students so that democracy can continue to exist while the students are given tools to change society within the democratic rules. Keywords: Social study teacher, the democratic mission, core values, education.

Authoritative period, party-state are integrative relation, the government has enough resources to control the society, political personages do not need to depend on the entrepreneur under the control of party-state. With the gradual transitions of ' the political structure ' and ' economic structure ', the Kuomintang government must transfer to obtain legitimacy of dominion by electing and economic development, the opposition party also can develop under this kind of environment, so government-business relations has changed. In brief, research of this thesis is to study government-business relations of Taiwan whether has the new appearance behind the transition of ruling Parties and under the changes of the Cross-Straits relations. Research of this thesis is to analysis concrete change of government-business relations under the different presidents head the administration' period. Finding in this thesis that the policy government-business relations of Taiwan appear type of ' big government and small enterprise ' in authoritative period (before 1987), and government have high independence to control the society in one party authoritarian, among the government and enterprise build and construct out an ' unequal government-business relations '. After martial law(1987- 2000), government-business relations appear type of' middle government and small enterprise ', enterprises no longer receive government's comprehensive control under the challenge of the opposition, government-business relations is changed into a kind of ' unequal ally's relation '. government-business relations appear type of 'middle government middle enterprise ' after transition of ruling parties(2000- 2004),the politician helps the entrepreneur to try or influence the policy, but the entrepreneur offers campaign financing for politician , therefore t government-business relations is turned into ' the relation of the equality and mutual benefit '. With the promotion of the trading tie between Taiwan and China, ' the Cross-Straits relations 'become the important key influencing government-business relations of Taiwan to change gradually. In the theory meaning, this means capitalist physique of Taiwan, already from the bureaucracy capitalist and leading systems of authoritative times make the transition for the system with leading folk capital gradually, the independence of state apparatus relative to folk capital of is reducing day by day, and the influence power of the folk capital to the decision-making process of state apparatus rises day by day. Meanwhile , the Cross-Straits relations become the enough factor influencing government-business relations inside Taiwan, therefore Chinese Government make state apparatus pass the operation of trading ties of the Cross-Straits gradually to influence government-business relations of Taiwan and decision-making process of the g state apparatus of Taiwan inside Taiwan, even weaken the state apparatus independence of Taiwan, thus state apparatus of Taiwan face the double crisis coming from native folk capital and Chinese state apparatus .

Abstract The study aims to understand the policy development of elderly welfare subsidy. This issue was firstly proposed at end of 1991 during the election of Parliament Representatives. After 10 years development, by conducting propaganda, publishing reports and sharing experiences with local governments, the Legislative Yuan has finally established the Temporary Provision of Elderly Welfare Subsidy in May 2002 and the act is then legalized and nationalized. The related amendment has been continuing till today. Since 1991 the researcher has started the long and coherent observation; in between the history and literature analysis were applied in order to collect relevant documents. After ascertaining its historical periods and generalization, the esearch concluded that there¡¦s significant correlation between this policy development and the democratic election. As a result, simple democratic mold is taken as the theoretic foundation and the framework is then built up. The study result shows that the election plays an important role for the formation and development of elderly welfare subsidy. The mplementation guarantees certain economic safety for the silver citizens but some ¡§free-cost¡¨ measure did cause some fair and financial burden to the authority. It also gives a cognitive bias against social welfare. Yet the increasing silver citizens may cause financial burden to the government, the distribution of social welfare should then be well considered. A complete system of national pension has to be set up soon.

<p>This research was conducted from an anthropology narrative approach and based on semistructured conversation interviews with four Thai women who owned their own businesses and therefore were in a leadership position. The purpose was to get a picture of women leadership in the working life in Thailand. Focus was to find characteristics in their leadership, in the way they became leaders, their forces, how they thought of their leadership and which attitudes they met from society. This was analysed using the theory from Hofstede with five dimensions on cultures and also from democratic and authoritarian leadership. The result showed both similarities and differences. Similarities, such as the respondents being strong, hard working women running a family business and mostly using a democratic leadership and were forced to stand by themselves at the same time as they cared a lot about relations. It appeared that the Thai society was changing; there the women got a more prominent role in the working life, which embodied a more feminine culture with smaller power distances.</p>

Texte remanié de: Th. Ph. D.--University of Leiden, 1995. / Bibliogr. p. 343-358. Index.

Thesis--M. Phil., University of Hong Kong, 1982.

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Alexis de Tocqueville is widely hailed as one of the most insightful students of democracy and as one of the most perceptive observers of America. While this high praise is fully deserved, Tocqueville was more than simply the author of Democracy in America. Indeed, he completed the journey that inspired his seminal work before he was out of his twenties. The remainder of his life was devoted to the practice of politics. Both as an involved citizen and as a member of the Chamber of Deputies, Tocqueville researched and wrote extensively on French foreign policy. His most notable works are several reports endorsing French colonial projects in Algeria and articles advocating for the emancipation of slavery in the French Caribbean colonies. In this essay I argue that one cannot truly understand Tocqueville the student without analyzing Tocqueville the politician. Approaching his career as a consistent whole, rather than two distinct and incongruous parts, opens new avenues of investigation into his works. First, his incisive examination and critique of the distinct mildness engendered by equality of conditions in America helps fill several theoretical gaps in the democratic peace research program. Second, his arguments in support of both French imperial enterprises as well as the emancipation of slaves reveals that his diplomatic career was animated above all by the desire to forestall the further proliferation of this democratic mildness, which he viewed as one of democracy’s most dangerous vices. Examining his foreign policy positions in light of the lessons he learned in writing Democracy in America is the only way to discover the consistent goal of his life—namely, to educate and guide the future generations of democracy—and thus to understand Tocqueville as he understood himself. / text